Catalogue entry
Hans Memling
NG 6275
The Virgin and Child with Saints and Donors (The Donne Triptych)
1998
,Extracted from:
Lorne Campbell, The Fifteenth Century Netherlandish Schools (London: National Gallery Publications and Yale University Press, 1998).

© The National Gallery, London
Oil on oak panels, centre 72.3 × 71.6 cm, wings 72 × 31.1 cm, painted surfaces, centre 71 × 70.3 cm, wings (fronts and backs), 71 × 30.5 cm
Provenance
The triptych was first recorded in 1744, when it was at Chiswick House in the collection of Richard Boyle (1694–1753), 3rd Earl of Burlington.1 His daughter and heiress Charlotte Elizabeth (1731–54) married in 1748 William Cavendish, afterwards (1755) 4th Duke of Devonshire, and the triptych remained at Chiswick in the possession of their descendants the Dukes of Devonshire until 1892, when it was moved to Chatsworth.2 It was acquired in 1957 from the Duke of Devonshire’s collection at Chatsworth under the terms of the Finance Act of 1956.
Exhibitions
First Special Exhibition of National Portraits, South Kensington Museum, London 1866 (18); RA 1876 (172); Brighton Art Loan Exhibition, Royal Pavilion, Brighton 1884 (141); London 1892 (20); Bruges 1902 (56); London 1906 (21); ‘Early English Portraiture’, BFAC 1909 (22); on loan at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1909; London 1927 (47); ‘Pictures from the Devonshire Collection’, Agnew’s, London 1948 (33); on loan at the NG , 1948–52; London 1953–4 (27); London 1963 (6275); London 1975 (149).
Copy
An old copy of the heads of the donors (painted on oak, 28.6 × 36.5 cm; fig. 17) was engraved in 1793 ‘From an ancient Picture on Board in the Possession of John Thane’ (fig. 18). John Thane (1748–1818), who himself published the engraving on 10 March 1793, was an antiquarian and collector. After his death, the copy was sold at Christie’s on 2 March 1820 (no. 65). By November 1913 it was in the possession of John Jackson, Leigh‐on‐Sea (Essex);3 it was later owned by Elizabeth Watkinson Holbrooke (1868–1938), widow of Francis George Seymour Holbrooke (died 1937), Bladon Castle, Newton Solney, Derbyshire. Sold by her executor at Christie’s, 17 February 1939 (no. 66), to Knoedler, it was evidently restored shortly afterwards. According to Knoedler’s records, it was in December 1943 ‘Located in Occupied Territory’; it appears not to have been recovered after the Second World War.4
Technical Notes
The triptych was cleaned in 1957–8 and is, in general, very well preserved, though there are damages across the Virgin’s left cheek and eye and in the cloth of honour immediately above her head. Some of the ultramarine‐containing paint has become greyish and small areas of vermilion have blackened. The exterior is less well preserved than the interior.
The centre panel, which measures 72.3 × 71.6 cm, is made up of three boards of oak laid vertically and vertical in grain. They were joined with dowels and are 24.0 cm, 25.5 cm and 22.1 cm wide at the bottom edge. The component boards ‘had come apart at some time and had been badly glued together again at both joins, so that their surfaces were not properly aligned’.5 They were therefore once more separated and rejoined during panel treatment in 1957, when the joins were reinforced with strips of oak applied to the reverse. The panel is approximately 12 mm thick in the centre, rebated at the back to 6 mm at the edges. The rebates are not original but the top and bottom edges may have been bevelled. The reverse is inscribed ‘IOHANES VAN EYCK’. Mistakenly described by Vertue as ‘burnt in’,6 this inscription is in black paint. The wing panels are single planks of oak, vertical in grain; they measure 72.0 × 31.1 cm and are approximately 6 mm thick. The frames, made in 1957–8, replaced nineteenth(?)‐century frames; nothing is known about the original frames.
There are chalk grounds. Infra‐red photographs and reflectograms reveal a considerable amount of underdrawing, apparently in a dry material. Some use has been made of lines incised into the ground – observed, for example, in the columns above the angel with the viol, in Saint Catherine’s sword and in the floor; and lines lightly indented into an underpainting – observed, for example, in the carpet and the Virgin’s cloth of honour. The pattern here has been reproduced from a tracing (see below). An extremely thin, mainly lead‐white, priming has been applied, apparently over the underdrawing. The streaks visible in some of the reflectograms are in the priming (fig. 2). No unusual pigments have been identified. Natural ultramarine is present in the blues of Saint Catherine’s mantle, the Virgin’s dress and the peacock and in the purples of Lady Donne’s dress, the edges of the Virgin’s cloth of honour and the darker areas of the Baptist’s mantle. The paint medium is linseed oil and a very small amount of resin had been found with the oil in the red glaze of the Virgin’s mantle. As there are no visible traces of mordant under the gilding of the haloes, it is possible that these are painted in shell gold, but, because the gilding is not perfectly preserved, it is impossible to be certain.
The underdrawing is rather sketchy and untidy; forms are outlined and folds indicated but there is virtually no hatching. The underdrawings for the portrait heads (figs 1, 2) are minimal but more careful and the underdrawings for the grisailles of the exterior are a little more detailed and less free than those for the interior scenes. Few major changes are detectable, except in the landscapes of the centre panel where, on the left, the rapidly underdrawn castle, bridge and mill are rather different from those painted. There are adjustments in the donor’s head (see below) and in the left hand of the angel with the viol and many small alterations in the drapery folds, in the other hands and in the architecture. The left hand and chalice of Saint John the Evangelist have been drawn in several positions and were finally painted in yet another position (fig. 11).
The small figures and the animals in the backgrounds, including the peacock, are not underdrawn or reserved and are painted on top of the landscapes. The bystander in the [page 375][page 376] [page 377] left wing is not underdrawn and though his hat, face and neck are reserved, the rest of his body is not. The reserve for the donor’s collar of suns and roses was narrower than the painted collar and the pendant has no reserve. X‐radiographs reveal changes made during the course of painting in the head of Lady Donne and in her and her daughter’s headdresses, which at first showed their ears (fig. 3). Many of the trees, for example on the right of the centre panel, have been laid in as trunks and bare branches which have then been entirely covered in green foliage.

Infra‐red reflectogram mosaic showing a detail of the head of Sir John Donne (© The National Gallery, London)

Infra‐red reflectogram mosaic showing a detail of the head of Lady Donne (© The National Gallery, London)

X‐radiograph showing a detail of the head of Lady Donne (© The National Gallery, London)

Centre panel (© The National Gallery, London)
The transparent cloth at Lady Donne’s neck is rendered not by using white paint but by exploiting the ground: an absence of white highlights makes the distinction in texture between fabric and skin (fig. 3). In certain areas, for example the donor’s head and the red draperies of the Virgin and Saint John the Evangelist, the paint is applied in short parallel brushstrokes which give a hatched effect. This and other aspects of Memling’s technique are discussed below, pp. 387–8.
Description
In the centre panel, the Virgin and Child are enthroned beneath a canopy and in front of a cloth of honour. At the Virgin’s feet is an Anatolian carpet.7 On the left an angel, [page 378] [page 379] [page 380] dressed in a dalmatic and holding a viol, offers an apple to Christ; on the right a second angel, dressed in an alb, plays a portative organ. Saint Catherine, who wears the ‘robe royale’ of a princess, holds in her right hand the sword of her martyrdom, its blade decorated with the wheels of her attempted execution. She stands upon another wheel and presents the donor, identifiable as Sir John Donne. Opposite them Saint Barbara, who holds in her right hand the tower which is her emblem, presents a donatrix, identifiable as Lady Donne. She is very richly attired in a purple velvet robe trimmed with ermine; her belt is of a brown, damask‐like, patterned fabric. Behind her kneels a little girl, clearly her daughter, who is dressed in brown watered silk (fig. 15). Both the donor and the donatrix wear Yorkist collars of suns and roses; the pendant lions are white, presumably enamelled, with golden tongues, and hold up rubies in their right fore‐paws. The donor’s lion (fig. 9) has golden eyes but the donatrix’s does not. The figures are in a sort of loggia with richly coloured marble columns. The capitals are carved and gilded: that on the left is decorated with hazelnuts, the second from the right with acorns. Fixed to the capitals are various shields: those above Saint Catherine and Saint Barbara are undecorated but those above the angel with the viol show the arms of Donne and those above the other angel show the arms of Donne impaling Hastings. A central column must be concealed behind the Virgin’s cloth of honour. The loggia gives onto a landscape where there are a castle, a bridge and a water‐mill. A man carrying a pole(?) crosses the bridge; the miller or his servant unloads a sack from a donkey’s back; on the right a cow grazes while a fashionably attired horseman with long white hair rides off on a white horse with blue trappings.

Reverse of the left wing (© The National Gallery, London)

Reverse of the right wing (© The National Gallery, London)

Obverse of the left wing (© The National Gallery, London)

Obverse of the right wing (© The National Gallery, London)

Photomicrograph showing a detail of Sir John Donne’s pendant (© The National Gallery, London)
The loggia continues into the wing panels. In the left wing stands Saint John the Baptist, wearing a hair shirt and holding his emblem, the lamb. Behind him the bystander in contemporary dress is clearly a portrait. The capital is ornamented with strawberries. In the right wing Saint John the Evangelist holds a chalice from which a serpent escapes. According to the apocryphal Acts of John, the saint was made to drink poison but survived.8 The serpent symbolises the poison. In the stained‐glass panels of the window on the right are once again the arms of Donne. The capital is ornamented with figs and fig‐leaves. In the courtyard beyond the loggia a peacock perches on a ruined wall, which presumably forms part of the same structure that appears in the centre panel behind Saint Barbara’s head. Its significance, like that of the peacock, is obscure. All the saints on the interior of the triptych have haloes of two concentric circles of gold. On the reverses of the wings are shown, in grisaille, Saint Christopher, carrying the Christ Child on his back and a flowering staff in his right hand, and Saint Anthony Abbot, with his emblems the bell and pig.
The apple which the angel offers to the Christ Child and which appears in many paintings in the Memling group refers to the Fall of Man: Christ is the Second Adam and Redeemer.9 The choice of saints is not in any way remarkable. All six were widely revered, both in the British Isles and in the Low Countries. The two saints John were the patrons of the donor. Catherine was the protectress of the dying, Barbara of those in danger of sudden death. Anthony was invoked as a healer while Christopher was not only the patron of travellers but also a protector against sudden death. Some believed that those who looked at an image of Saint Christopher would not die that day.10

Enlarged detail showing the spectator in the left wing (© The National Gallery, London)
The water‐wheel behind Saint Catherine may allude to the wheel of her martyrdom (fig. 12); but it may be pointed out that similar water‐wheels occur in other paintings by or attributed to Memling where Saint Catherine is not present, for example pictures of the Virgin and Child in the Uffizi and in Berlin (529) and the Vanity in Strasbourg.11
The Identity of the Donors
During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the donors were described as ‘Lord Clifford and his family, painted in 1444 by John Van Eyk’.12 Thomas Clifford, Lord Clifford (1414–55), married in 1424 Joan Dacre. In 1840, Nichols correctly identified the donors as Sir John Donne and his wife Elizabeth Hastings.13

Infra‐red reflectogram mosaic showing a detail of the hand and chalice of Saint John the Evangelist (© The National Gallery, London)
The coats of arms attached to the capitals in the centre panel are those of Donne (Azure a wolf salient argent langued gules) and Donne impaling Hastings (Argent a maunch sable). The Donne arms reappear in the stained‐glass windows of the right wing. On the left side of the centre panel the Donne wolves are reversed, turned to face the Virgin and Child; this is in accordance with the conventions of the period. The arms are those given for Sir John Donne in a manuscript of the time.14 The donors are dressed in the fashion of the 1470s.15 Both wear collars of suns and roses, with Lions of March as pendants – a Yorkist livery associated with Edward IV (reigned 1461–83).16 They are therefore Sir John Donne and his wife Elizabeth Hastings and the girl behind Lady Donne must be the eldest of their children.

Enlarged detail of the mill in the centre panel (© The National Gallery, London)
Sir John Donne’s parents were Gruffydd Dwnn or Griffith Donne, who came of a distinguished Kidwelly family,17 and Joan Scudamore, whose father Sir John Scudamore had married Alice, daughter of Owen Glendower.18 John Donne, [page 382] the third son of Griffith, was in the service of Richard, Duke of York,19 and, when Richard’s son became king as Edward IV in 1461, Donne was made an Usher of the Chamber and began to accumulate lands and offices in England as well as in Wales. Between 1465 and 1469 he was an Esquire of the Body and he was knighted on the field of battle at Tewkesbury in 1471.20 In 1480 he purchased the estates in Buckinghamshire where he was to set up his principal residence.21 After the death of Edward IV in 1483 he managed to retain his lands and titles under Richard III and Henry VII;22 he made his will on 23 January 1503, died before 13 February 1503 and was buried at St George’s Chapel, Windsor.23
Sir John Donne owned Netherlandish manuscripts, three of which are now in the British Library.24 The Donne arms are found in MS Royal 16 F. v, which contains the Livre de Sydrac followed by a treatise on the sins, and MS Royal 20 B. ii, which contains De l’assumpcion Nostre Dame selon les dits de Ysedore and other texts. The Donne arms have been erased from MS Royal 15 D. iv, a copy of Quintus Curtius Rufus’ Faiz du grant Alexandre, translated by Vasco de Lucena: this had belonged to Guillaume de la Baume, who was in the service of Margaret of York, and carries the inscriptions ‘For yet not har that ys on of yor treu frendes Margarete of Yorke’ (Forget not her that is one of your true friends, Margaret of York) and ‘Prenez moy ajames pour v[ost] [?]re bonne amie Marie D. de bourgne.’ (Take me for ever for your good friend, Mary, Duchess of Burgundy). Donne probably received the book as a gift during an embassy to the Netherlands in 1477. He also owned the ‘Louthe’ Hours (Louvain‐la‐Neuve, Université Catholique de Louvain, MS A.2), one of the outstanding Netherlandish manuscripts from the period around 1480. The first owner of the book, represented with his coat of arms on fols 13 and 100v (figs 13, 14), has been wrongly identified as Thomas Louthe ( c. 1447–1533) of Sawtrey Beaumys in Huntingdon‐shire:25 but Louthe cannot be associated either with the arms – Sable a wolf salient argent – or with the crest, seen on fol. 100v, of five snakes coiled in a massive knot. The coat of arms has been overpainted. The field was originally blue and the arms are those of Donne (Azure a wolf salient argent). No reference to the crest used by Sir John has been found but his son Edward Donne used a knot of five snakes, which is the crest seen on fol. 100v.26 Edward must have inherited this curious crest from his father; the first owner of the manuscript must have been Sir John Donne and not Thomas Louthe. The two portraits in the Hours are not incompatible with Memling’s portrait of Donne.

Follower of Marmion, Annunciation, with Sir John Donne at Prayer, from the (so‐called) Louthe Hours. Louvain‐la‐Neuve, Université Catholique de Louvain, MS A.2, fol. 13.
Copyright IRPA‐KIK
CC BY 4.0 KIK-IRPA, Brussels (Belgium), cliché X013532

Follower of Marmion, Sir John Donne with his Guardian Angel, from the (so‐called) Louthe Hours. Louvain‐la‐Neuve, Université Catholique de Louvain, MS A.2, fol. 100v.
Copyright IRPA‐KIK
CC BY 4.0 KIK-IRPA, Brussels (Belgium), cliché X013551
Sir John’s wife Elizabeth was a sister of William, Lord Hastings, who was executed in 1483. She was married before or in 1465.27 Mentioned in 1481 in the will of her brother Lord Hastings,28 she made her own will on 29 November 1507 and died before 15 February 1508.29
Sir John Donne had two sons. The elder Edward was first mentioned in 1489, married in 1500 and was probably still under age when his father made his will on 23 January 1503: he may have been born in or shortly after 1482.30 The younger son was Griffith, to whom, according to a sixteenth‐century source, Sir John made a grant of lands in about 1488.31 Sir John’s daughters are very much less well documented. His widow referred in her will, dated 29 November 1507, to her ‘daughters’ Elizabeth Reed, Mary Reed and Margaret.32 The Welsh genealogist Lewys Dwnn ( c. 1550– c. 1616), who was distantly related to Sir John Donne, stated in 1597 that Sir John had had two daughters.33 Samuel Rush Meyrick, publishing Lewys Dwnn’s manuscript in 1846, misread this passage and created a third daughter, Katherine, who has been listed by subsequent genealogists.34 In fact Lewys Dwnn, not mentioning any Katherine, wrote that the elder of the two daughters was ‘Jan’, wife of Sir William Trussell; the other was ‘Joan’, wife of Sir Richard ‘Ryd’. According to an English manuscript of about 1600, ‘Margarett d. of Sr John Dunne knighte’ married Edward Trussell, son of Sir William Trussell,35 and according to an English manuscript of about 1634, ‘Ann. d. of Sr John doon knight’ was the first wife of Sir William Rede of Boarstall (Buckinghamshire) and was the mother of his children Leonard, Thomas, Anne, Elizabeth, Edward, Giles and Mary.36 Lady Rede is not named in any contemporary source. It would appear that Sir John Donne had two daughters, Margaret Trussell and (Anne?) Rede, and that the ‘daughters’ mentioned in Lady Donne’s will were her grand‐daughters Elizabeth and Mary Rede and her daughter Margaret Trussell.
Margaret’s husband Edward Trussell, the heir to great estates, had been the ward of Lord Hastings, who had bequeathed to Sir John Donne a preferential option on the purchase of his wardship and marriage.37 Edward Trussell was born in about 1478 and had not attained his majority when he died in 1499. He and Margaret had two children: Elizabeth, born in 1496, and John, who was born in 1497–8 and died in 1499.38 Margaret subsequently, in about 1510, married Thomas Cardigan and disappeared into total obscurity.39 She seems to have had at least one more child, the ‘H … Cardigan’ mentioned in June 1533 as ‘my nephew’ in the household accounts of Edward Donne.40 William Rede was born in about 1467 and died in 1526.41 He married a second wife in about 151042 and it seems clear that the first Lady Rede was dead by 1507, when two of her daughters, but not Lady Rede herself, were named as legatees in the will of Lady Donne. Lady Rede’s eldest son Leonard was born in 1496–7;43 her youngest son Giles was born in about 1501;44 and her daughter Elizabeth was married in 1515.45
Margaret Trussell and Lady Rede therefore produced their first children at precisely the same time, in 1496–7. Margaret’s husband Edward Trussell was certainly at least ten years younger than Lady Rede’s husband but Margaret was not necessarily younger than Lady Rede. Edward Trussell was wealthier than Sir William Rede46 and Sir John Donne may have wanted his elder daughter to marry his rich young ward. Lewys Dwnn was evidently certain that Lady Rede was the younger sister and his evidence cannot be totally disregarded.

Detail of the Donnes’ daughter (© The National Gallery, London)
It is consequently impossible to determine which of Sir John Donne’s daughters was the elder or to estimate their dates of birth. The child represented in the triptych may be Margaret Trussell or Lady Rede but she may very well be an unrecorded older daughter who died unmarried and who was forgotten by the genealogists.47
The spectator in the left wing was identified as Memling himself by Conway and others; Davies wondered whether he might be ‘a trusted servant of Donne’s’.48 There are no indications of his identity.
Attribution and Date
On the reverse of the centre panel is the inscription ‘IOHANES VAN EYCK’. This may have been followed by the date 1444, mentioned in 1761,49 but the surface of the reverse in the area following the inscription has been altered during later attempts to reinforce a join in the panel and no trace of the date remains. It is difficult to say how old the inscription is, or to attach any significance to the date; in the [page 384] eighteenth century, the date of Jan van Eyck’s death was not generally known. The attribution to Jan van Eyck, accepted by Vertue and others,50 was challenged by Waagen in 1837. His suggestion that the triptych is by Memling has been universally accepted.51 When Nichols in 1840 correctly identified the donors as Sir John and Lady Donne, he referred to an apparently reliable record that ‘John Done of Kydwelle’ had been killed at the Battle of Edgecote in 1469.52 Later authors therefore dated the triptych before 1469 until McFarlane and Davies showed that Sir John survived into the sixteenth century and argued that the triptych was painted in the late 1470s.53
The triptych is so similar to the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John, inscribed with Memling’s name and dated 1479 (fig. 16), that it must be by the same painter and from much the same period. All the figures – except, of course, the donors – and many of the objects in the Donne Triptych recur in other pictures by Memling or from his workshop: the Virgin and Child in the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John, The Virgin and Child with an Angel, Saint George and a Donor (NG 686), the Louvre Virgin and Child with Saints and Donors,54 and elsewhere; Saints Catherine and Barbara in the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John and the variant compositions in New York of the Virgin and Child with Saints and Angels;55 the angel with the viol in the Vienna triptych of the Virgin and Child with Saints and a Donor and in two Virgins, in the Uffizi and in Washington;56 the angel with the organ in the Antwerp panels of Musician Angels and on the Saint Ursula Shrine;57 the Baptist in the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John, the wing panels of the Pagagnotti Triptych (NG 747), the Lübeck polyptych of 1491 and at least five other paintings attributed to Memling;58 Saint John the Evangelist in the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John and the Vienna triptych; his chalice, on the reverse of the Saint Veronica in Washington;59 the peacock behind him, in reverse, in the Turin Passion of Christ ( c. 1470);60 the floor in the Altarpiece of the Two Saints John and at least six other pictures attributed to Memling;61 the textile behind the Virgin in three other Virgins, in New York, in Washington and NG 686. On the reverses of the wings, the Saint Christopher has affinities with both the panel in Cincinnati and the Moreel Triptych of 1484;62 while the Saint Anthony is very similar to the figure of the same saint in the Ottawa Virgin and Child with Saint Anthony and a Donor (1472).63 The carpet and the landscapes are similar to those in other Memling paintings but are never repeated in exactly the same forms. Memling appears to have managed a large collection of workshop patterns with skill and efficiency. The cloths of honour in this and the three other pictures listed appear to have been reproduced from the same tracings, as the repeats are to a millimetre the same size.64
Attempts to date the triptych have usually proceeded from an investigation of the lives of Sir John Donne and his family. Once it had been established that Sir John was not killed in 1469 and that he survived until 1503, it became important to try to establish when he and his wife were born, when they were married, when their children were born and when he was most likely to have come into contact with Memling.
Sir John Donne was ‘born in the parts of Picardy’; his two older brothers were also born in France.65 Their father Griffith Donne fought in the French wars: he was supposedly present at Agincourt in 1415, was about to proceed to France in May 1421, was lieutenant of Cherbourg in 1424 but appears to have been based in Wales between 1424 and 1435. Between 1437 and 1445 he was again fighting in France.66 John Donne himself served Richard, Duke of York, in England, France and Ireland.67 As the Duke of York did not fight in France after 1446, John Donne can hardly have been born after 1430. What is known of his father’s career indicates that John was probably born in the early 1420s. Memling’s donor, whose face is lined and whose hair is thin, could be a man in his fifties.
John seems to have been unmarried in 1462 but Elizabeth his wife was mentioned on 11 March 1465.68 No evidence bears directly on her date of birth, but her brother Lord Hastings was born in about 1431 and two of her sisters married in 1448 and 1453.69 By 1466–7 Elizabeth Donne was one of the queen’s damicellae, with an annual fee of £10, and is unlikely to have been very young.70 In 1467–8, the Donnes clearly had no son.71 While their eldest surviving son appears to have been born in or after 1482, it seems impossible to establish the dates of birth of their two married daughters.72 There were probably several or many other children who died young. In the triptych, only one child, a daughter, is depicted. It is assumed, though not proved, that, if any child is represented, all the children living when the commission was placed would have been included. It seems likely that, when the Donnes commissioned the triptych they had only one surviving child, a daughter. Her identity cannot be more exactly established and she could have been born at any time after her parents’ marriage. The absence of her brother Edward indicates that the triptych was commissioned before about 1482, apparently the earliest possible date for Edward’s birth.
John Donne, described as ‘of the town of Calais’ on 23 March 1468,73 was almost certainly the ‘maistre Jehan Don’ who was at Bruges later that year when Charles the Bold of Burgundy married Margaret of York.74 As an Esquire of the Body, he may have been with Edward IV during his exile in the Low Countries in 1470–1. His brother‐in‐law Lord Hastings certainly was.75 A member of the Calais Council in 1471,76 he was involved in negotiations concerning the Pale of Calais in 1472 and was at Calais on 8 June 1475.77 In February 1477 he and John Morton, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal, went as ambassadors to the court of France and returned loaded with gifts;78 in May 1477 Donne and two others were sent to negotiate with the imperial ambassadors in the Burgundian Netherlands.79 Thereafter he was frequently abroad on embassies or in Calais, where by 1483 he held the office of Deputy of the Tower of Risban, one of the outlying fortresses.80 He was later, before 1497, lieutenant of the castle of Calais.81
When Louis of Gruuthuse arrived at Windsor Castle in September 1472, he was received by Lord Hastings, Sir John Parr and Sir John Donne,82 who presumably already knew [page 385] him. Donne was in Calais in 1475 and was probably present when Edward IV was visited there by Margaret of York and Charles the Bold. Donne was certainly in attendance when in 1480 the widowed Margaret of York returned to England to negotiate with her brother Edward IV; he was ‘at Syon whan king Edward brought thider the lady Margaret duches of Burgon’.83 It is not, perhaps, coincidental that he was present on these occasions: his importance in Anglo‐Burgundian relations may have been considerable. It has not, however, proved possible to discover, by studying the diplomatic history of the period, when he is most likely to have commissioned the triptych.

Memling, Triptych of the Two Saints John, centre, Virgin and Child with Saints and Angels, panel, painted surface 173.6 × 173.7 cm. Bruges, Memlingmuseum.
Copyright IRPA‐KIK
Photo © RMN-Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) / Tony Querrec
Memling’s donors are very grandly attired, Lady Donne’s purple velvet dress trimmed with ermine is especially imposing and though Sir John was exempted from the sumptuary legislation of 1482,84 it is not certain that his wife would ever have worn so rich a garment. Memling may have based her costume on contemporary fashions at the Burgundian court. The changes which he made to her face and to her and her daughter’s headdresses are of some interest. Lady Donne at first appeared as a young woman similar in feature to the idealised Saint Barbara behind her but has become older, thin lipped and sharp nosed. It seems that Memling, not knowing anything about Lady Donne’s appearance, painted an idealised [page 386] head and that he afterwards had to alter it when he met Elizabeth herself or when he obtained further information on her appearance. Lady Donne’s hat at first exposed her ear: the black veil or frontlet was added later and covers not only areas of Lady Donne’s forehead and her ear but also parts of the angel and Saint Barbara. Comparable changes are visible in Memling’s portrait of Maria Portinari of about 1471 (New York), whose ear was once exposed but who wears a similar frontlet.85 The point of Sir John’s nose has been slightly enlarged. The donors’ clothes are similar to those worn by Tommaso Portinari and his family in the Portinari Triptych by Hugo van der Goes (Uffizi). There the donor’s head was evidently painted before 1477 but his body, his wife and his children were probably painted in 1477–8.86 Sir John Donne may have attempted to follow fashion more assiduously or overtly than Tommaso Portinari. Despite his thinning hair, he is attempting to achieve a modish, shaggy hairstyle suitable only for younger men and his tight doublet, open gown and slit sleeves are further indications of his anxiety to be up to date.87

After Memling, Sir John and Lady Donne, panel, 28.6 × 36.5 cm. Present whereabouts unknown.
National Portrait Gallery
© National Portrait Gallery, London

After Memling, engraving (1793) after the painting reproduced in fig. 17
National Portrait Gallery
© National Portrait Gallery, London
The collars worn by Sir John and Lady Donne are the personal livery of Edward IV: a similar collar is described in a document of 1466 as ‘A collar of gold with 34 roses and suns set on a corse of black silk with a hanger of gold garnished with a sapphire’,88 but the ‘hangers’ on the Donnes’ collars are golden lions enamelled white and clutching rubies. Representations of such collars are found on effigies and brasses. They are not likely to have been publicly worn after Edward’s death in 1483.89
The old copy which was owned by John Thane was engraved for him in 1793 as a portrait of ‘George Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury & his first Countess, Anne, Daughter of Will. Lord Hastings Chamberlain to Edw. IV’ (figs 17, 18). Painted on oak, it appears to have been a faithful and old, perhaps sixteenth‐century, copy, partially overpainted in the eighteenth century so that the heads were framed in ovals. The three coats of arms were those of Donne, Donne impaling Hastings and Hastings. John Thane, attempting to identify the couple, must have examined the histories of the Hastings family. Since those histories available to him did not mention Lady Donne,90 he must have concluded that the wolf in the Donne coat of arms was in fact a talbot, or dog, and that the couple were therefore George Talbot, 4th Earl of Shrewsbury (1468–1538), and his first wife Anne Hastings. His mistaken conclusion was without any heraldic justification, for the Talbots, though they have used the talbot as a device, have never borne one in their coat of arms.
The date 1478 which appears on the engraving (fig. 18) was inscribed on the painted copy, though it is not visible in the photograph of 1913. Misread as ‘1618’ in 1820, it ‘came away’ during restoration in or shortly after 1939.91 It was not added to support Thane’s misidentification of the couple, for George Talbot and Anne Hastings were children in 1478: they were married, but had not consummated the marriage, when Anne’s father Lord Hastings made his will in 1481.92 In the engraving, the forms of the numbers 1 and 7 are curious but similar to those in the dates 1487 on Memling’s diptych of Maarten van Nieuwenhove (fig. 19) and his portrait of Benedetto Portinari.93 It seems that the date on the engraving was taken from the date on the painted copy; the date on the painted copy was probably taken from the lost original frame of the triptych. The engraved date 1478 would therefore be a copy after a copy of the date inscribed by Memling on the frame of his triptych.

Memling, Virgin and Child with Maarten van Nieuwenhove (diptych), detail of the frame of the right wing (the frame measures 52 × 33.5 cm).
Bruges, Memlingmuseum.
Copyright IRPA‐KIK
CC BY 4.0 KIK-IRPA, Brussels (Belgium), cliché B055349
The triptych, then, was probably painted in 1478, when Sir John Donne was perhaps in his mid‐fifties and when Lady Donne may have been in her thirties. They and their daughter are dressed in the fashions of the mid‐ or late 1470s, when Sir John was often at Calais and when he was much involved in Anglo‐Burgundian diplomatic relations. It was apparently at about the same time that he acquired his Netherlandish manuscripts. The closely related Triptych of the Two Saints John is dated 1479 but may have been begun before 1475.94 It is possible that Donne saw this triptych in an unfinished state, that he wanted and commissioned something similar and that the Donne Triptych, though begun after the larger Triptych of the Two Saints John, was finished before it.
The Original Location and Function
The triptych was not necessarily commissioned for any specific church or chapel. In 1443 Sir John Donne’s parents obtained a papal indult enabling them to have a portable altar95 and it is possible that Sir John himself had altars in his residences. He had a house in Calais but his principal seat seems to have been at Horsenden in Buckinghamshire.96 Though his elder son Edward Donne and his wife were buried in the parish church of St Michael at Horsenden, Sir John was buried in St George’s Chapel at Windsor Castle. His widow desired to be buried beside him ‘upon the North side of the said church’ and directed her executors to ‘purches as muche land as shal be sufficient for a chauntry there perpetually to be founded to maynten a preest there contynually for evermore to pray for the soules of my forsaid husbond sr John Donne and myn wt an yerely obite …’97 Her son Edward Donne does not seem to have made an endowment but in the 1510s, 1520s and 1530s paid at least one priest to sing for his parents’ souls ‘where theyre bones lyes at Wyndezore’.98 The obits took place on Saint Paul’s day (25 January) or at Candlemas (2 February).99 In 1527 Geoffrey Wren, one of the canons of Windsor, wished to be buried in St George’s Chapel ‘afore Sir John dons Chapell’ and he was indeed buried at St George’s ‘Under the 6th arch near the North Window’.100 In 1532 a herald noted that on the north side of the choir were buried Edward IV, Lord Hastings and ‘Sr John Doon Knyght’.101 The Donne chapel was therefore near the Hastings chapel and the tomb of Edward IV but no reference to it can be found among the muniments of St George’s Chapel.102 It is just possible that, when Sir John commissioned the triptych, he had formed an intention of founding a chapel at St George’s, which was under construction from 1475,103 and that he planned to leave the triptych to the chapel. It seems more likely, however, that he commissioned the triptych for his private use.
No reference to the triptych has been found before 1744, when it was in the possession of the Earl of Burlington at Chiswick. Then described as ‘the picture of the Lord Clifford kneeling. & his Lady’,104 it was known for the next century as the painting of ‘Lord Clifford and his family’.105 This may imply that Lord Burlington had inherited the triptych from his Clifford ancestors, one of whom, Francis Clifford, 4th Earl of Cumberland (1559–1641), had married Grisold Hughes (1559–1613), a descendant of Sir John Donne.106 Though Grisold was a daughter of the only daughter of Griffith Donne, Sir John’s younger son, she was not Sir John’s heir of line: besides her own brothers, there were numerous descendants of Sir John’s elder son Edward Donne.107 Grisold, however, collected paintings, for in 1610 she sent two pictures to Henry, Prince of Wales.108 It is conceivable that she acquired the triptych from one of her relatives and possible that the copy of the donors’ heads was made in her time. Though no mention of the triptych has been found in the Clifford inventories,109 the triptych may have descended from the Donnes to Grisold Hughes, from her to the Cliffords and from them to the first recorded owner, the 3rd Earl of Burlington. If it passed by descent, it was perhaps retained by the Donne family for domestic worship; or alternatively it may have been placed in a church or chapel to be withdrawn and returned to the family when, during the Reformation, images became a subject of controversy.
A younger son of a Welsh soldier, Sir John Donne owed his rise to fame and fortune to Edward IV. His wife was a sister of Edward’s favourite and Chamberlain Lord Hastings; both Edward and Lord Hastings were important patrons of Netherlandish artists and in Edward’s service Donne came into contact with his ‘true friend’ Margaret of York, his ‘bonne amie’ Mary of Burgundy, his acquaintance Louis of Gruuthuse and Margaret’s official Guillaume de la Baume – four of the most significant patrons in the Low Countries.110 No doubt Donne was emulating them in acquiring Netherlandish works of art. He must have been one of Memling’s best‐connected clients. Commissioning his triptych, he may have expressed a wish to have something similar to the Triptych of the Two Saints John, on which Memling must have been working in the later 1470s and which he was to finish in 1479. Memling was clearly a good businessman who ran an efficient workshop. When the commission was negotiated, Memling presumably produced for Donne’s approval a fairly elaborate preliminary design, where he adapted the composition of the Triptych of the Two Saints John and where he recycled and recombined many of his workshop patterns. Though the composition seems pleasingly symmetrical, the Virgin and her throne are not centred but are displaced towards our right. So are the columns. The central column is concealed, while the cloth of honour is nearer the columns on our left than those on our right. With wonderful subtlety, Memling has avoided the rigidity of an absolutely symmetrical composition.
As there are few major alterations, the underdrawing probably follows accurately the approved preliminary design, except in the landscapes of the centre panel, which are more freely drawn and which may not have been detailed in the design. Memling’s skill and economy of effort are also seen in the execution, for example in his use of tracings in the patterned cloth behind the Virgin, in his exploitation of the ground, rather than white paint, to indicate the difference in texture between Lady Donne’s flesh and the transparent fabric covering her neck and in his application of deep red glazes in fairly thick brushstrokes rather than in superimpositions of [page 388] thin layers. The major changes in Lady Donne’s head and headdress may have been made when she herself saw the triptych and when Memling saw her. Both would then have realised that his first attempt at her portrait was unsatisfactory. Alternatively, Sir John may have intervened and advised on necessary changes. Memling may never have seen Lady Donne. In Sir John’s head, however, the tonal contrasts are much bolder. With the change in the drawing of his nose and the hatched brushstrokes in the shadows and stubble, his head gives the appearance of having been painted rapidly and [page 389]from life. Evidently Donne watched carefully over the progress of his triptych. Memling doubtless exerted himself to please an important patron. The Donne Triptych is one of his most successful variations on a favoured and successful theme.

Tree showing the Donne family and their descendants (© The National Gallery, London)
General References
Friedländer , vol. VI, no. 10; Davies 1968, pp. 125–8; Davies 1970, pp. 38–51; McFarlane 1971, pp. 1–15, 52–7; De Vos 1994, pp. 180–3
[page 390]Notes
For help in the preparation of this entry, I am most grateful to Maryan Ainsworth, Françoise d’Arras d’Haudrecy‐Mirguet, Janet Backhouse, R.J. Chamberlaine‐Brothers, Anne Curry, R.R. Davies, Peter Day, Melissa De Medeiros, Antoine de Schryver, Hugh Dunthorne, Mari Griffith, Ralph A. Griffiths, John Hand, H.A. Hanley, D.A.L. Morgan, Eileen Scarff, R.T. Spence, Roger Van Schoute, Hélène Verougstraete and Robert Yorke.
1. Vertue , vol. V, pp. 30–1: ‘an old Alter Table. in the posses̄ of the Earl of Burlington on it the picture of the Lord Clifford kneeling. & his Lady. all painted. by Jan Van Eyck. his name burnt in on the back on bord. it is at Cheswick his Lordships closet.’ (Back to text.)
2. Exhibition of Pictures by Masters of the Netherlandish and allied Schools … Illustrated Catalogue of Early Netherlandish Pictures, BFAC 1892, p. xv. (Back to text.)
3. Offered in November 1913 to the NPG : photograph and description, NPG archive, ‘Descriptions of Portraits’, vol, 12, no. 27. (Back to text.)
4. Information kindly provided by Melissa De Medeiros, Librarian, M. Knoedler, New York, letter of 28 October 1994. (Back to text.)
5. The National Gallery, July 1956–June 1958, London 1958, p. 75. (Back to text.)
6. See note 1. (Back to text.)
7. Batári 1994, pp. 63–6. (Back to text.)
8. M.R. James, The Apocryphal New Testament, revised edn, Oxford 1953, pp. 262–3. (Back to text.)
9. Davies 1970, p. 42. (Back to text.)
10. Erasmus, Moriae Encomium (1509): see Praise of Folly and Letter to Maarten van Dorp 1515, translated by B. Radice, introduction and notes by A.H.T. Levi, revised edn, Harmondsworth 1993, p. 63. (Back to text.)
11. Friedländer , vol. VI, nos 61, 56, 21. (Back to text.)
12. London and its Environs Described, vol. 2, (R. and J. Dodsley) London 1761, p. 122. (Back to text.)
13. J.G. Nichols, ‘Picture at Chiswick, attributed to van Eyck’, Gentleman’s Magazine, n.s. vol. XIV, July–December 1840, pp. 489–91. (Back to text.)
14. College of Arms, MS M 10, fol. 172; see M. Powell Siddons, The Development of Welsh Heraldry, vol. II, A Welsh Amorial, Aberystwyth 1993, p. 126. (Back to text.)
15. Scott 1980, pp. 186–9; 1986, nos 114–15. (Back to text.)
16. P. Tudor‐Craig, Richard III (exhibition catalogue, NPG ), London 1973, pp. 59–60. (Back to text.)
17. Ralph A. Griffiths and Roger S. Thomas, The Principality of Wales in the Later Middle Ages: The Structure and Personnel of Government, I. South Wales, 1277–1536 (Board of Celtic Studies, University of Wales, History and Law Series no. 26), Cardiff 1972, pp. 201–2. (Back to text.)
18. H.J.T. Wood, ‘Pedigrees from the De Banco Rolls, temp. Henry VII’, Genealogist, n.s. vol. XXIII, 1907, pp. 18–32; Griffiths and Thomas (cited in note 17), pp. 139–41. (Back to text.)
19. McFarlane 1971, pp. 6–7. (Back to text.)
20. Griffiths and Thomas (cited in note 17), p. 187; N. Davis, ed., Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1971–6, vol. II, p. 594. (Back to text.)
21. PRO , C 1/308/37–40; County Record Office, Warwick, CR 895/29. (Back to text.)
22. Griffiths and Thomas (cited in note 17), pp. 187–8; see also J. Leland, De Rebus britannicis collectanea, 2nd edn, vol. IV, London 1770, pp. 232, 255. (Back to text.)
24. Janet Backhouse, ‘Sir John Donne’s Flemish Manuscripts’ in P.R. Monks and D.D.R. Owen, eds, Medieval Codicology, Iconography, Literature, and Translation, Studies for Keith Val Sinclair, Leiden, New York and Cologne 1994, pp. 48–53. (Back to text.)
25. J. Casier and P. Bergmans, L’Art ancien dans les Flandres. Mémorial de l’exposition rétrospective organisée à Gand en 1913, Brussels and Paris 1914–22, vol. II, pp. 67–75, plates CXLVIII–CLIV; A. de Schryver, ‘The Louthe Master and the Marmion Case’ in Kren 1992, pp. 171–80. I am exceedingly grateful to Hélène Verougstraete and Roger Van Schoute, who examined the manuscript on 9 October 1995 and established that the blue fields of the coats of arms, as well as the blue areas of the mantling on fol. 100v, have been overpainted in black. (Back to text.)
26. ‘Thomas Wall’s Book of Crests’, The Ancestor, vol. XII, 1905, pp. 63–98, p. 72 (Knights of Henry VIII): ‘DOON beryth to his crest v snakes knotted togethers vert langued geules in a wr. or. g. b. a. standyng in pal’; see also his seal, appended to his will of 20 December 1551, Record Office, Aylesbury, D/X 580/2, and Powell Siddons (cited in note 14), p. 127. (Back to text.)
27. McFarlane 1971, p. 7 note 36. (Back to text.)
28. N.H. Nicolas, Testamenta Vetusta, London 1826, vol. I, p. 372. (Back to text.)
30. Commission to Sir John Don and Edward his son, 15 July 1489: C. Harper‐Bill, ed., The Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1486–1500, vol. I (Canterbury and York Society publications, LXXV), Leeds 1987, p. 9. Indenture, 20 October 1500, concerning Edward Donne and Anne Verney, who were to marry before 30 November: BL , Add. Charter 66616. Sir John Donne left everything to his widow, whom he made his executrix: this indicates that Edward was still under age: PRO , PROB 11/13, sig. 10; and see McFarlane 1971, pp. 9, 53. (Back to text.)
31. PRO , C 1/1130/70, where it is claimed that Griffith took the profits of certain lands in Wales for fifteen years in the lifetime of his father. (Back to text.)
32. See note 29. (Back to text.)
33. BL , MS Egerton 2585, fol. 32v. (Back to text.)
34. S.R. Meyrick, Heraldic Visitations of Wales … by Lewys Dwnn, Llandovery 1846, vol. I, p. 22. Dwnn wrote that Edward Donne married Anne, daughter of Sir John Verney ‘kt yr hynaf or ddwy verch oedd Jan …’; ‘kt’ stands for ‘knight’, not Katrin. Mari Griffith was kind enough to translate the Welsh passages for me and to discuss them in some detail. The ‘daughter Catherine’ is cited by T.W. Newton Dunn, The Genealogies of the Dwnns of South Wales, Salisbury 1953, p. 18; and by P.C. Bartrum, Welsh Genealogies AD 1400–1500, vol. VII, Aberystwyth 1983, p. 1193. (Back to text.)
35. BL , MS Harl. 1160, William Smith ( c. 1550–1618), Rouge Dragon Pursuivant (1597), ‘Baronagium Angliae’, fol. 108. (Back to text.)
36. BL , MS Harl. 1533, Visitations of Buckinghamshire, 1575, 1634, fol. 75v. Further proof that Sir John and Lady Donne had a daughter who married Sir William Rede is provided by a shield once in the church at Boarstall and copied there in 1609 by Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald. This showed the arms of Rede impaling the impaled arms of Donne and Hastings ( BL , MS Lansdowne 874, fols 30v, 40v). (Back to text.)
37. Nicolas (cited in note 28), p. 372. (Back to text.)
38. Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, 2nd series, Henry VII, London 1898–1956, vol. I, pp. 303–4, vol. II, pp. 210–11, 228, 235, 253–7, 426–7, vol. III, pp. 127, 140–50. (Back to text.)
39. J.S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. I (i), London 1920, p. 169 (380). (Back to text.)
40. County Record Office, Warwick, CR 895/106.45. I have used the partial transcript made by the late Mrs E.M. Elvey and held, on behalf of the Buckinghamshire Record Society, at the Record Office, Aylesbury. (Back to text.)
41. Calendar (cited in note 38), vol. I, pp. 197–9; Inquisitions Post Mortem, PRO , E 150/798/5–6. (Back to text.)
42. Their daughter Anne died in January 1586 aged 74 or 75: E. Ashmole, The Antiquities of Berkshire, vol. II, London 1719, p. 279. (Back to text.)
43. He was between thirty and thirty–one in July 1527: PRO , E 150/798/5–6. (Back to text.)
44. A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford A.D. 1501 to 1540, Oxford 1974, p. 480. (Back to text.)
45. Her husband was Sir John Mallory of Studley Royal: Testamenta Eboracensia, vol. III (Surtees Society Publications, vol. XLV), Durham, London and Edinburgh 1865, p. 368; C.B. Norcliffe, ed., The Visitation of Yorkshire in the Years 1563 and 1564 made by William Flower, Norroy King of Arms (Harleian Society Publications, vol. XVI), London 1881, pp. 195–6. (Back to text.)
46. See the Inquisitions cited in notes 38 and 41. (Back to text.)
47. Edward Donne mentioned many ‘nephews’ and ‘nieces’ in his household accounts (see note 40), including Leonard and Giles Rede (fols 136, 57v) and H … Cardygan. The others were nephews and nieces of his wife, except ‘my nephew Thomas Vaughan’, from whom, at Kidwelly on 7 October 1524, Edward Donne received 40 shillings ‘for his entry’ (fol. 106v). Thomas Vaughan was conceivably the son of another daughter of Sir John Donne; more probably he was a distant cousin of Edward Donne, who was not always precise in defining relationships. (Back to text.)
48. W.M. Conway, Early Flemish Artists and their Predecessors on the Lower Rhine, London 1887, p. 237; Davies 1970, p. 49; De Vos 1994, p. 354. (Back to text.)
49. See note 12. (Back to text.)
50. See note 1. (Back to text.)
51. G.F. Waagen, Kunstwerke und Künstler in England, vol. I, Berlin 1837, pp. 264–5. (Back to text.)
52. See note 13; Nichols’s source was J.O. Halliwell, ed., A Chronicle of the First Thirteen Years of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth, by John Warkworth, D.D., Master of St. Peter’s College, Cambridge (Camden Society Publications, X), London 1839, p. 7. (Back to text.)
53. Davies 1970, pp. 44, 49; McFarlane 1971, pp. 1–15. (Back to text.)
54. Friedländer , vol. VI, no. 66. (Back to text.)
55. Ibid. , no. 65. (Back to text.)
56. Ibid. , nos 9, 61, 60. (Back to text.)
57. Ibid. , nos 22, 24. (Back to text.)
58. Ibid. , nos 3 and 2, 9, 12, 17, 44. (Back to text.)
59. Ibid. , no. 46. (Back to text.)
60. Ibid. , no. 34. (Back to text.)
61. Ibid. , nos 1, 2, 60, 63 (NG 686), 64, 66. (Back to text.)
62. Ibid. , nos 18, 12. (Back to text.)
63. Ibid. , no. 64. (Back to text.)
64. The diameters of the main motifs are: NG 6275, 8.6 cm; NG 686, 8.3 cm; New York (measured by Maryan Ainsworth), 8.4 cm; Washington (measured by John Hand), about 8.3 cm. (Back to text.)
65. Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, 1467–1477, London 1900, p. 86; J.H. Harvey, ed., William Worcestre, Itineraries, Oxford 1969, p. 338. (Back to text.)
66. See note 17; Dr Anne Curry, University of Reading, has been kind enough to provide much information on Griffith Donne’s military career in France. (Back to text.)
67. Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, 1461–1467, London 1897, p. 111; McFarlane 1971, p. 7. (Back to text.)
68. Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, 1461–1467, London 1897, pp. 111, 430–1; McFarlane 1971, p. 7. (Back to text.)
69. McFarlane 1971, p. 7 note 38 and references. (Back to text.)
70. A.R. Myers, ‘The Household of Queen Elizabeth Woodville, 1466–7’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester, vol. L, 1967–8, pp. 207–35, 443–81, p. 452. The other accounts of Elizabeth’s household have been lost. (Back to text.)
71. Rotuli Parliamentorum, vol. V, London 1783, p. 587. (Back to text.)
72. See p. 383. (Back to text.)
74. H. Beaune and J. d’Arbaumont, eds, Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche, vol. III, Paris 1885, p. 111. (Back to text.)
75. McFarlane 1971, p. 9. (Back to text.)
76. J.R. Lander, ‘Council, Administration and Councillors, 1461 to 1485’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. XXXII, 1959, pp. 138–80, pp. 143 note 2, 177. (Back to text.)
77. T. Rymer, ed., Foedera, 3rd edn, vol. V part III, The Hague 1741, p. 23; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, 1467–1477, London 1900, p. 551. (Back to text.)
78. C.L. Scofield, The Life and Reign of Edward the Fourth, London 1923, vol. II, pp. 181–2; J. Calmette and G. Perinelle, Louis XI et l’Angleterre (1461–1483) (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de l’Ecole des Chartes, XI), Paris 1930, pp. 221–3. (Back to text.)
79. Rymer (cited in note 77), p. 76; Scofield (cited in note 78), vol. II, p. 186. (Back to text.)
80. R. Horrox and P.W. Hammond, British Library Harleian Manuscript 433, 4 vols (Richard III Society publication), Upminster and London 1979–83, vol. III, p. 31. (Back to text.)
81. McFarlane 1971, p. 10 and references. (Back to text.)
82. F. Madden, ‘Narratives of the Arrival of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, in England … in 1472’, Archaeologia, vol. XXVI, 1836, pp. 265–86, p. 272. (Back to text.)
83. PRO , C 1/308/38, Answer of Dame Jane Fowler. (Back to text.)
84. Rotuli Parliamentorum, vol. VI, London 1783, pp. 220–1. (Back to text.)
85. X‐radiograph reproduced by Ainsworth 1994, p. 85. (Back to text.)
86. Campbell 1990, pp. 176–7 and references. (Back to text.)
87. Scott 1986, no. 114. (Back to text.)
88. Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Seventh Report, Appendix, London 1879, p. 537, ‘Stuff which Sir John Howard delivered to his wife’. Lord Hastings’s ‘Coller of gold of K. Edward’s lyverys’, valued at £40, was mentioned in a document of 1489: BL , MS Harl. 3881, fol. 24. (Back to text.)
89. Under Richard III, the Lion of March pendant seems to have been replaced by a boar: Tudor‐Craig (cited in note 16), pp. 24–5. (Back to text.)
90. W. Dugdale, The Baronage of England, London 1675–6, vol. I, pp. 580–5. (Back to text.)
91. Knoedler’s records, reference A‐2112 (copy kindly sent by Melissa De Medeiros). (Back to text.)
92. Nicolas (cited in note 28), vol. I, p. 372. (Back to text.)
93. Memlingmuseum, Bruges, and Uffizi, Florence: Friedländer , vol. VI, nos 14, 23 B. (Back to text.)
94. De Vos 1994, p. 155. (Back to text.)
95. J.A. Twemlow, ed., Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Papal Letters, vol. IX, London 1913, p. 369. (Back to text.)
96. McFarlane 1971, p. 10 and references; for Horsenden, see note 21. (Back to text.)
97. PRO , PROB 11/35, sig. F.1 (will of Edward Donne); PROB 11/13, sig. 10 (will of Sir John Donne); PROB 11/15, sig. 32 (will of Lady Donne). (Back to text.)
98. Household accounts of Edward Donne (see note 40), fols 38v, 86, 134, 143v, 150, 217, 225, 245v, 255, etc. (Back to text.)
99. Ibid. , 8 June 1533 and 28 May 1534, fol. 225. (Back to text.)
100. PRO , PROB 11/22, sig. 27, will of Geoffrey Wren, 4 March 1527, proved 7 February 1528; S.M. Bond, The Monuments of St George’s Chapel Windsor Castle (Historical Monographs relating to St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, 12), Windsor 1958, p. 226. Somewhere in the chapel was a shield with the Donne arms, surmounted by a helm and torse. It was copied early in the seventeenth century by Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald, who annotated his copy ‘Sr … Dune’ ( BL , MS Lansdowne 874, fol. 50v). (Back to text.)
101. W.H. Rylands, ed., The Four Visitations of Berkshire, 1532, 1566, 1623, 1665–6 (Harleian Society Publications, vols LVI, LVII), London 1907–8, vol. I, p. 2. (Back to text.)
102. See A.S. Crawley, ‘Chapels and Chantries in St George’s Chapel’, The Society of the Friends of St George’s, Report to 31st December, 1941, pp. 5–8; J.N. Dalton, The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, Windsor 1957. Dr Eileen Scarff, Archivist, St George’s Chapel, has been most helpful in these investigations. It has been proposed that Sir John Donne’s monument was a brass and that part of it survives on the reverse of a brass at Middle Claydon (W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield and P. Whittemore, The Monumental Brasses of Buckinghamshire, London 1994, pp. 44–6): but the ‘s John doo…’ commemorated on this fragment appears to have been a conduct priest and died on 3 August, whereas Sir John Donne died in January or February 1503. (Back to text.)
103. For a brief history of St George’s Chapel, see M. Bond, The Romance of St George’s Chapel Windsor Castle, 13th edn, Windsor 1983. (Back to text.)
104. See note 1. (Back to text.)
105. See p. 381. (Back to text.)
106. R.T. Spence, ‘The Place, Uxbridge and its Owners up to the Civil War’, The Uxbridge Record, no. 63, Autumn 1994, pp. 1–20. (Back to text.)
107. No reference to the triptych has been found in the wills of Edward Donne or Griffith Donne; or in those of Edward’s descendants Richard Cotton (1605), William Cotton (1612), Ralph Cotton (1626) and Edward Donne Lee (1598): PRO , PROB 11/35, sig. F.1; PROB 11/30, sig. 7; PROB 11/109, sig. 36; PROB 11/119, sig. 37; PROB 11/151, sig. 51; PROB 11/91, sig. 22. (Back to text.)
108. R. Strong, Henry, Prince of Wales and England’s lost Renaissance, London 1986, p. 249 note 11. (Back to text.)
109. Information from Dr R.T. Spence, who has made a study of the Clifford inventories (letter of 17 October 1994). (Back to text.)
110. Guillaume de la Baume owned the tapestries of the Life of Julius Caesar, now in the Historisches Museum at Berne, and several important manuscripts: see D. Gallet‐Guerne, Vasque de Lucène et la Cyropédie à la cour de Bourgogne (1470) (Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, 140), Geneva 1974, pp. 156–7. (Back to text.)
Abbreviations
- NG
- National Gallery, London
List of archive references cited
- Aylesbury, Record Office, D/X 580/2: will of 20 December 1551
- London, British Library, Add. Charter 66616
- London, British Library, MS Egerton 2585
- London, British Library, MS Harl. 1160: William Smith (c. 1550–1618), Rouge Dragon Pursuivant (1597), Baronagium Angliae
- London, British Library, MS Harl. 1533: Visitations of Buckinghamshire, 1575, 1634
- London, British Library, MS Harl. 3881
- London, British Library, MS Lansdowne 874
- London, British Library, MS Royal 15 D. iv: Quintus Curtius Rufus, Faiz du grant Alexandre, translated by Vasco de Lucena
- London, British Library, MS Royal 16 F. v
- London, British Library, MS Royal 20 B. ii
- London, College of Arms, MS M 10
- London, National Portrait Gallery, Archive, vol. 12, no. 27: Descriptions of Portraits
- London, Public Record Office, C 1/308/37–40
- London, Public Record Office, C 1/308/38
- London, Public Record Office, C 1/1130/70
- London, Public Record Office, E 150/798/5–6: Inquisitions Post Mortem
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/13, sig. 10: will of Sir John Donne
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/15, sig. 32: will of Lady Donne
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/22, sig. 27: will of Geoffrey Wren, 4 March 1527, proved 7 February 1528
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/30, sig. 7
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/35, sig. F.1: will of Edward Donne
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/91, sig. 22
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/109, sig. 36
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/119, sig. 37
- London, Public Record Office, PROB 11/151, sig. 51
- Los Angeles, Getty Research Institute, Knoedler’s records, A‐2112
- Louvain‐la‐Neuve, Université Catholique de Louvain, MS A.2: ‘Louthe’ Hours
- Warwick, County Record Office, CR 895/29
- Warwick, County Record Office, CR 895/106.45: household accounts of Edward Donne
List of references cited
- Ainsworth 1994
- Ainsworth, M.W., ‘Hans Memling as a Draughtsman’, in Hans Memling, Essays, ed. D. De Vos, Bruges 1994, 78–87
- Ashmole 1719
- Ashmole, E., The Antiquities of Berkshire, London 1719, II
- Backhouse 1994
- Backhouse, Janet, ‘Sir John Donne’s Flemish Manuscripts’, in Medieval Codicology, Iconography, Literature, and Translation, Studies for Keith Val Sinclair, eds P.R. Monks and D.D.R. Owen, Leiden, New York and Cologne 1994, 48–53
- Bartrum 1983
- Bartrum, P.C., Welsh Genealogies AD 1400–1500, Aberystwyth 1983, VII
- Batári 1994
- Batári, F., ‘The “Memling” Carpets’, in Hans Memling, Essays, ed. D. De Vos, Bruges 1994, 63–6
- Beaune and Arbaumont 1883–8
- Beaune, H. and J. d’ Arbaumont, eds, Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche, 4 vols, Paris 1883–8
- Bond 1958
- Bond, S.M., The Monuments of St George’s Chapel Windsor Castle, Historical Monographs relating to St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, 12, Windsor 1958
- Bond 1983
- Bond, M., The Romance of St George’s Chapel Windsor Castle, 13th edn, Windsor 1983
- Brewer 1920
- Brewer, J.S., ed., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, London 1920, I (i)
- Burlington Fine Arts Club 1892
- Burlington Fine Arts Club, Exhibition of Pictures by Masters of the Netherlandish and Allied Schools … Illustrated Catalogue of Early Netherlandish Pictures, London 1892
- Calendar of Inquisitions 1898–1956
- Henry VII, Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, 2nd series, London 1898–1956
- Calendar of Patent Rolls 1900
- Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward IV, 1467–1477, London 1900
- Calmette and Perinelle 1930
- Calmette, J. and G. Perinelle, Louis XI et l’Angleterre (1461–1483), Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de l’Ecole des Chartes, XI, Paris 1930
- Campbell 1990
- Campbell, Lorne, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait‐Painting in the 14th, 15th and 16th Centuries, New Haven and London 1990
- Casier and Bergmans 1914–22
- Casier, J. and P. Bergmans, L’Art ancien dans les Flandres. Mémorial de l’exposition rétrospective organisée à Gand en 1913, Brussels and Paris 1914–22
- Conway 1887
- Conway, W.M., Early Flemish Artists and their Predecessors on the Lower Rhine, London 1887
- Crawley 1941
- Crawley, A.S., ‘Chapels and Chantries in St George’s Chapel’, in The Society of the Friends of St George’s, Report to 31st December, 1941, 1941, 5–8
- Dalton 1957
- Dalton, J.N., The Manuscripts of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, Windsor 1957
- Davies 1953
- Davies, Martin, Les Primitifs flamands, I. Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays‐Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, 3, The National Gallery, London, Antwerp 1953, I
- Davies 1954
- Davies, M., Les Primitifs flamands, I. Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays‐Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, 3, The National Gallery, London, Antwerp 1954, II
- Davies 1968
- Davies, Martin, National Gallery Catalogues: Early Netherlandish School, 3rd edn, London 1968
- Davies 1970
- Davies, M., Les Primitifs flamands, I. Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays‐Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, 11, The National Gallery, London, Brussels 1970, III
- Davies 1972
- Davies, M., Rogier van der Weyden, London 1972
- Davis 1971–6
- Davis, N., ed., Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1971–6
- De Schryver 1992
- Schryver, A. de, ‘The Louthe Master and the Marmion Case’, in Margaret of York, Simon Marmion and The Visions of Tondal, ed. T. Kren, Malibu 1992, 171–80
- De Vos 1994
- De Vos, D., Hans Memling, The Complete Works, London 1994
- Dodsley 1761
- Dodsley, R. and J. Dodsley, London and its Environs Described, London 1761, 2
- Dugdale 1675–6
- Dugdale, W., The Baronage of England, London 1675–6
- Emden 1974
- Emden, A.B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford A.D. 1501 to 1540, Oxford 1974
- Friedländer 1967–76
- Friedländer, Max Jacob, Early Netherlandish Painting, eds Nicole Veronée‐Verhaegen, Gerard Lemmens and Henri Pauwels, trans. Heinz Norden, 14 vols in 16, Leiden and Brussels 1967–76
- Gallet‐Guerne 1974
- Gallet‐Guerne, D., Vasque de Lucène et la Cyropédie à la cour de Bourgogne (1470), Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, 140, Geneva 1974
- Griffiths and Thomas 1972
- Griffiths, Ralph A. and Roger S. Thomas, The Principality of Wales in the Later Middle Ages: The Structure and Personnel of Government, I. South Wales, 1277–1536, Board of Celtic Studies, University of Wales, History and Law Series, no. 26, Cardiff 1972
- Hall 1994
- Hall, E., The Arnolfini Betrothal: Medieval Marriage and the Enigma of van Eyck’s Double Portrait, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1994
- Halliwell 1839
- Halliwell, J.O., ed., A Chronicle of the First Thirteen Years of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth, by John Warkworth, D.D., Master of St. Peter’s College, Cambridge, Camden Society Publications, X, London 1839
- Harper‐Bill 1987
- Harper‐Bill, C., ed., The Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1486–1500, Canterbury and York Society Publications, LXXV, Leeds 1987, I
- Harvey 1969
- Harvey, J.H., ed., William Worcestre, Itineraries, Oxford 1969
- Horrow and Hammond 1979–83
- Horrox, R. and P.W. Hammond, British Library Harleian Manuscript 433 (Richard III Society publication), 4 vols, Upminster and London 1979–83
- Kren 1992
- Kren, T., ed., Margaret of York, Simon Marmion and The Visions of Tondal, Malibu 1992
- Lack, Stuchfield and Whittemore 1994
- Lack, W., H.M. Stuchfield and P. Whittemore, The Monumental Brasses of Buckinghamshire, London 1994
- Lander 1959
- Lander, J.R., ‘Council, Administration and Councillors, 1461 to 1485’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 1959, XXXII, 138–80
- Leland 1770
- Leland, J., De Rebus britannicis collectanea, 2nd edn, London 1770, IV
- Madden 1836
- Madden, F., ‘Narratives of the Arrival of Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse, in England … in 1472’, Archaeologia, 1836, XXVI, 265–86
- McFarlane 1971
- McFarlane, K.B., Hans Memling, ed. Edgar Wind, Oxford 1971
- Meyrick 1846
- Meyrick, S.R., Heraldic Visitations of Wales … by Lewys Dwnn, Llandovery 1846
- Myers 1967–8
- Myers, A.R., ‘The Household of Queen Elizabeth Woodville, 1466–7’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 1967–8, L, 207–35 & 443–81
- National Gallery 1958
- National Gallery, The National Gallery, July 1956–June 1958, London 1958
- Newton Dunn 1953
- Newton Dunn, T.W., The Genealogies of the Dwnns of South Wales, Salisbury 1953
- Nichols 1840
- Nichols, J.G., ‘Picture at Chiswick, attributed to van Eyck’, Gentleman’s Magazine, July–December 1840, XIV, 489–91
- Nicolas 1826
- Nicolas, N.H., Testamenta Vetusta, London 1826
- Norcliffe 1881
- Norcliffe, C.B., ed., The Visitation of Yorkshire in the Years 1563 and 1564 made by William Flower, Norroy King of Arms, Harleian Society Publications, vol. XVI, London 1881
- Powell Siddons 1993
- Powell Siddons, M., The Development of Welsh Heraldry. A Welsh Amorial, Aberystwyth 1993, II
- Rotuli Parliamentorum 1783
- Rotuli Parliamentorum, London 1783, V
- Royal Commission 1879
- Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Seventh Report, Appendix, London 1879
- Rylands 1907–8
- Rylands, W.H., ed., The Four Visitations of Berkshire, 1532, 1566, 1623, 1665–6, Harleian Society Publications, vols LVI, LVII, London 1907–8
- Rymer 1741
- Rymer, T., ed., Foedera, 3rd edn, The Hague 1741, V, III
- Scofield 1923
- Scofield, C.L., The Life and Reign of Edward the Fourth, London 1923
- Scott 1980
- Scott, Margaret, Late Gothic Europe, 1400–1500, The History of Dress Series, London and Atlantic Highlands, NJ 1980
- Scott 1986
- Scott, Margaret, A Visual History of Costume: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, London 1986
- Spence 1994
- Spence, R.T., ‘The Place, Uxbridge and its Owners up to the Civil War’, The Uxbridge Record, Autumn 1994, 63, 1–20
- Strong 1986
- Strong, R., Henry, Prince of Wales and England’s Lost Renaissance, London 1986
- Testamenta Eboracensia 1865
- Testamenta Eboracensia, Surtees Society Publications, vol. XLV, Durham, London and Edinburgh 1865, III
- Thomas Wall’s Book of Crests 1905
- ‘Thomas Wall’s Book of Crests’, The Ancestor, 1905, XII, 63–98
- Tudor‐Craig 1973
- Tudor‐Craig, P., Richard III (exh. cat. National Portrait Gallery, London), London 1973
- Twemlow 1913
- Twemlow, J.A., ed., Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Papal Letters, London 1913, IX
- Vertue 1929–55
- Vertue, George, ‘Note Books: [vol. I]’, The Walpole Society, Oxford 1929–1930, XVIII; ‘[vol. II]’, 1931–1932, XX; ‘[vol. III]’, 1933–1934, XXII; ‘[vol. IV]’, 1935–1936, XXIV; ‘[vol. V]’, 1937–1938, XXVI; ‘[index to vols I–V]’, 1940–1942 (published 1947), XXIX; ‘[vol. VI, including index]’, 1951–1952 (published 1955), XXX
- Waagen 1837
- Waagen, G.F., Kunstwerke und Künstler in England, Berlin 1837, I
- Wood 1907
- Wood, H.J.T., ‘Pedigrees from the De Banco Rolls, temp. Henry VII’, Genealogist, 1907, XXIII, 18–32
List of exhibitions cited
- Brighton 1884
- Brighton, Royal Pavilion, Brighton Art Loan Exhibition, 1884
- London 1866
- London, South Kensington Museum, First Special Exhibition of National Portraits, 1866
- London 1909
- London, Burlington Fine Arts Club, Early English Portraiture, 1909
- London 1948
- London, Agnew’s, Pictures from the Devonshire Collection, 1948
- London 1953–4
- London, Royal Academy, Flemish Art 1300–1700, 1953–4
- London 1963
- London, National Gallery, From Uccello to Renoir, An Exhibition of Pictures selected from the Acquisitions of 1953–62, 1963
- London 1975, National Gallery
- London, National Gallery, The Rival of Nature: Renaissance Painting in its Context, 9 June–28 September 1975
The Organisation of the Catalogue
In my essay on ‘The History of the Collection’ I have described how it has been built up and have concentrated on the revival of interest in Early Netherlandish paintings during the mid‐nineteenth century. In my introduction, on ‘Netherlandish Painting in the Fifteenth Century’, I have endeavoured to place the collection in a broader historical context by commenting on the painters and their patrons and the ways in which the pictures were used. I have explained at some length how the painters’ workshops functioned; how their assistants were employed; how the necessary reference material was gathered, used and circulated. I have attempted briefly to describe how the pictures were painted and have taken this opportunity to put together our results from different groups of pictures and to make tentative generalisations about materials, working practices and techniques. I have speculated upon the painters’ aspirations.
The pictures are catalogued under the artists’ names, taken in alphabetical order. The Master of the View of St Gudula and the other anonymous painters to whom art historians have assigned names of convenience are listed under ‘Master’. For each painter a brief biography is given, in which his securely authenticated works are listed, in which some reference may be made to questions of chronology and in which relevant information on assistants may be given. In a few cases, for example those of Hugo van der Goes and Rogier van der Weyden, the biographies are longer and particular issues bearing on the pictures catalogued are discussed. The paintings by each artist are then considered; the pictures attributed to him; those from and attributed to his workshop; those by his followers; and finally those thought to be copies after his originals. Within all these categories, the paintings are arranged in numerical order of inventory number.
If a painting is described as by a particular artist, it is assumed that he painted it, with the usual amount of help from his assistants. If it is described as by the artist and his workshop, it is implied that the assistants were very largely responsible but that there was some direct intervention by the master. If a picture is described as from an artist’s workshop, it is implied that it was painted by one or more assistants, under the master’s supervision, perhaps from his designs but without his direct intervention. If a picture is described as by a ‘follower’, the implication is that the follower was an imitator active outside the workshop, though he may have been a former assistant. ‘Attributed to’ indicates some degree of doubt about the precise classification.
Except in one or two cases, the title given for each picture has been taken verbatim from the 1968 catalogue. The media and support are more adequately described under ‘Technical Notes’. The measurements given were taken by Rachel Billinge and myself: height precedes width. As few of the supports are perfectly regular in shape, the dimensions are those where the support and the painted surface reach their highest or widest points. The thickness of a panel has usually been measured at the centre of the lower edge. The provenance of each picture is briefly outlined and exhibitions are listed – including exhibitions at the Gallery and elsewhere for which no catalogues were issued. Versions and engravings are briefly listed. There may well be further discussions of provenance and versions in the main part of the catalogue entry.
The ‘Technical Notes’ section begins with an account of what is known, or what can be deduced, about conservation treatments – excluding minor interventions such as blister‐laying or surface‐cleaning. This is followed by a brief condition report, where I have indicated any major losses or areas of serious abrasion and where I have attempted to describe any changes, for instance in colour, that have radically altered the appearance of the picture. I have mentioned the frame only if it is original or if deductions can be made about the appearance of the lost original frame. The support, generally an oak panel, is then described; the results of any dendrochronological investigations are included here. Inscriptions, seals and other marks on the reverse of the panel are noted. Next comes an account of the materials used in the ground, the underdrawing, the priming and the paint layer. This constitutes a short summary of the results obtained when the picture was examined; detailed reports on the samples taken are on file in the Scientific Department. I have then included some general remarks on the style of the underdrawing and on any differences between what is underdrawn and what is painted. This introduces a discussion of changes made during the course of painting. For some pictures, I have closed this section with remarks on any particularly striking aspects of the painting technique.
Under ‘Description’, I have pointed out details that may not be immediately visible in the original or in a good colour reproduction and have attempted to identify all the objects represented, including articles of clothing. It is perhaps inevitable that the smaller pictures have been more intensively studied and are more fully described than the larger and more complex compositions. The Description is usually, though not invariably, followed by a discussion of the subject of the picture: occasionally a discussion of the iconography – for instance that of a portrait – finds its logical place after the attribution and date have been established. Commentaries on the function of the painting, its patron, its attribution and its date follow in the order that I considered reasonable and appropriate in that particular case. I have summarised with some care the opinions of respected authorities such as Passavant, Friedländer and Hulin de Loo; I have referred constantly to previous Gallery catalogues and always to those by my predecessor Martin Davies. Any useful observation or comment I have of course taken into account. I have not seen fit, however, to burden my text with endless citations of books, articles or exhibition catalogues where the authors express but do not justify opinions or merely repeat the findings of others. I could not attempt to list every published reference to every picture. The admirable indexes kept in the National Gallery Library allow exhaustive bibliographies to be compiled. Under ‘General References’, I have included only a few items. Davies’s Corpus volumes (a, b, c) and the 1968 edition of his catalogue are always cited, as is the English edition of Friedländer’s Early Netherlandish Painting. Standard monographs are included, for example Davies on van der Weyden, and any studies which treat a particular picture sensibly and in great detail, for example Hall’s book on the Arnolfini portrait or articles [page 11]in the National Gallery Technical Bulletin. In the ‘Notes’, I have given essential citations so that anyone can check my sources. Occasionally I have included in the notes short digressions which may interest some readers but which are not vital for an understanding of the entry. I have employed the abbreviations listed below. Frequently cited books and articles are referred to by the author’s surname and the date of publication: full details will be found in the List of References, which is exactly that and which must not be treated as a Bibliography.
Comparative illustrations are included if they are considered absolutely essential for an understanding of the entry or if reproductions are not readily accessible elsewhere – in Friedländer’s Early Netherlandish Painting or in other standard works. Place names have been given in the forms most familiar to an English‐speaking reader: Bruges for Brugge; Louvain for Leuven; Mechlin for Mechelen (Malines); Ypres for Ieper. By Bonham’s, Christie’s, Foster’s and Sotheby’s are meant the London headquarters of those firms; for sales in other locations, the town is specified, as in ‘Christie’s, New York’.
In the catalogue entries, I have tried to explain the physical as well as the historical evidence in the most straightforward way, to make it accessible to the interested general reader as well as to the specialist. In presenting my own conclusions, I have endeavoured to make a clear distinction between fact and speculation. Anyone taking issue with my findings will have the relevant evidence at his or her disposal and will, I hope, be in a position to add to it and to refute or develop my arguments.
There are indexes of changed attributions, of subjects, of previous owners, by inventory number and a general index of proper names.
About this version
Version 2, generated from files LC_1998__16.xml dated 14/03/2025 and database__16.xml dated 14/03/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Entries for NG664, NG747, NG755-NG756, NG783, NG943, NG1280, NG1432, NG2922 and NG4081 proofread and corrected; date of original publication, formatting of headings for notes and exhibition sections, and handling of links to abbreviations within references, updated in all entries.
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- Chicago style
- Campbell, Lorne. “NG 6275, The Virgin and Child with Saints and Donors (The Donne Triptych)”. 1998, online version 2, March 14, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EHA-000B-0000-0000.
- Harvard style
- Campbell, Lorne (1998) NG 6275, The Virgin and Child with Saints and Donors (The Donne Triptych). Online version 2, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EHA-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 19 March 2025).
- MHRA style
- Campbell, Lorne, NG 6275, The Virgin and Child with Saints and Donors (The Donne Triptych) (National Gallery, 1998; online version 2, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EHA-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 19 March 2025]