Catalogue entry
Thomas Jones 1742–1803
NG 6544
A Wall in Naples
2000
,Extracted from:
Judy Egerton, The British Paintings (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2000).

© The National Gallery, London
?
Oil on paper laid on canvas, 11.4 × 16 cm (4½ × 6⁵⁄₁₆ in.)
Provenance
After the artist’s death, passed to his younger daughter Elizabeth Francesca who, having married Captain John Dale, died in 1806 leaving no surviving children; passed to Captain Dale,1 then by descent through Rose Adams (his daughter by his second marriage) to his great‐grandson Dr Adams, by whose widow2 sold Christie’s 28 July 1955 (as 'An Italian house’, one of three in lot 6, £14), bt Agnew’s; purchased from Agnew’s by Lady Ashton (Madge Garland, Royal College of Art, Department of Fashion and Design) December 1955; sold by her, Christie’s 23 March 1979 (88, £5500), bt Appleby Brothers for Mrs Jane Evan‐Thomas, widow of Commander Charles Evan‐Thomas DSO, RN, of Pencerrig;3 purchased from Mrs Evan‐Thomas through Agnew’s by the National Gallery 1993.
Exhibited
London, Marble Hill House, and Cardiff, National Museum of Wales, Thomas Jones, 1970 (65, as ‘Window in Naples’); New York, Museum of Modern Art (touring to Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska, Frederick S. Wight Art Gallery, University of California, Los Angeles, and Art Institute of Chicago), Before Photography: Painting and the Invention of Photography, 1981–2 (27, repr. on cover of catalogue); Manchester, Whitworth Art Gallery, Travels in Italy 1776–1783, based on the Memoirs of Thomas Jones, 1988 (105); Washington, National Gallery of Art (touring to Brooklyn Museum, New York, and St Louis Art Museum), In the Light of Italy: Corot and Early Open‐Air Painting, 1996–7 (10, repr. with colour detail p. 123).
Literature
J.A. Gere, ‘An Oil‐Sketch by Thomas Jones’, British Museum Quarterly, XXI, no. 4, 1959, pp. 93–4; J.A. Gere, ‘Thomas Jones; An Eighteenth‐Century Conundrum’, Apollo, XCI, 1970, p. 470, fig. 4; Lawrence Gowing, The Originality of Thomas Jones, London 1985, pp. 47, 63; Francis Hawcroft, Travels in Italy 1776–1783, based on the Memoirs of Thomas Jones, exh. cat., Whitworth Art Gallery, Manchester 1988, particularly pp. 89–92; Peter Galassi, Corot in Italy: Open‐Air Painting and the Classical‐Landscape Tradition, New Haven and London 1991, p. 34, plate 35.
Technical Notes
Cleaned and restored on acquisition. The support is buff‐coloured paper which has been laid down onto hardboard. [page 187][page 188]There are losses in the paper, each c. 1.5 × 1 cm, at either end of the bottom edge. Their symmetry suggests that they result from some method of holding the paper onto a support while the painting was done. The paint is otherwise in good condition, though the edges may have been trimmed.

Buildings in Naples, dated April 1782 on the verso. Oil on paper, 14 × 21.6 cm. Cardiff, National Museum
of Wales.
© The National Museum of Wales, Cardiff
Photo © National Museums & Galleries of Wales / Bridgeman Images
Discussion
When Jones arrived in Italy in 1776, at the start of what was to be a seven years’ sojourn, he saw the landscape through the eyes of his master, Richard Wilson. In December 1776 he wrote in his Journal that ‘on my first traversing this beautiful and picturesque country – Every scene seemed anticipated in some dream – It appeared Majick Land.’4 Through studying Wilson’s landscapes, he had ‘insensibly become familiarized with Italian scenes, and enamoured of Italian forms’:5 now he saw the ‘classic ground’ for himself,6 and began in his turn to translate such subjects as Lake Albano and Lake Nemi into oils and watercolours.7
Of all Jones’s work in Italy, the twelve or so small oils on paper painted in Naples during 1782 have become the best known. Of these, five studies of buildings from high viewpoints, of which the Wall in Naples is one, have been justly singled out as the most original work of his entire career: and it is on these that attention is concentrated here. Working in oil on small sheets of paper (later stuck to cardboard for support) was not new to Jones in 1782. He had worked in this way in the late 1770s, in Wales, painting (among other things) two astonishingly direct views of the Radnorshire landscape as seen from the terrace of Pencerrig, his family home;8 and he occasionally worked in oil on paper in Rome around 1777–8.9 But most of his time in Italy (apart from the diversions which make his Memoirs such entertaining reading) was spent either in the studio, painting commissioned views in oil on canvases of conventional size,10 or gathering material in sketchbooks, to be worked up later (sometimes years later) in watercolour.
When Jones chose to work in oil on paper, it seems to have been primarily for his own pleasure, and without much premeditation. Working in this way, there was no need to encumber himself with an easel; the paper he worked on was usually small enough to fit into the lid of his painting‐box. Few of these works were highly finished. None was exhibited nor (it seems) shown to the occasional Grand Tourist who visited his painting‐room: the ‘English cavalieri’, Jones called them, mostly youths wanting orthodox views of Italy to take back to the shires, though once William Beckford called ‘with all his Retinue’ (while Jones was out).11 Few if any of Jones’s Naples subjects in oil on paper conformed to accepted notions of ‘views’; by no contraction of the imagination could the Wall in Naples be called a veduta.
[page 189]
Rooftops, Naples, inscribed TJ/Naples Aprile 1782 on the verso. Oil on paper, 14.3 × 35 cm, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum.
© Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
Photo © Ashmolean Museum / Bridgeman Images.
It seems that Jones did not take up his former habit of working occasionally in oil on paper until he was about halfway through the three years (from May 1780 to August 1783) that he spent in Naples. A previous four‐month visit (September 1778 to January 1779) had largely been devoted to sketching excursions – to Vesuvius, Pompeii, Sorrento and Baja – with fellow‐artists; he seems to have made no oils on paper then. Why then should he have reverted to this practice during 1782? Changes in his circumstances may partly account for it. First, he had set up house in mid‐1779 with Maria Moncke, who accompanied him to Naples and bore him two daughters there; he now led a more domesticated life, on a shorter rein, less free to explore the countryside in search of material. Secondly, from May 1782 until his return home, he repeatedly had to move from one set of lodgings to another, sometimes having to find a separate painting‐room in which to work. At the time, these moves (outlined below) must have seemed vexatious: but with each move, Jones was presented with a different set of windows, or a different flat roof, which offered a fresh slant on the city, its suburbs and its hillsides. More indefinably, a third circumstance no doubt contributed to Jones’s wish to record direct impressions of the city, and that was the knowledge that his time there was running out. On arrival in Naples in May 1780, he had ‘made a Calculation’ (he was careful about money, and kept exact accounts)12 that he had enough commissions on hand to support him in a ‘frugal Stile of living’ for three more years.13 By the spring of 1782, he knew he was facing his last year in Italy. Looking out from various windows or from flat roofs, catching oblique views of warehouses, tenements and churches, he seems suddenly to have sensed the individuality of the buildings of Naples, and determined to record it.
Having arrived in Naples, Jones and Maria took a two‐year lease of an apartment on the second floor of ‘a large new built house’ whose ground floor was occupied by warehouses; the house faced ‘the Dogana del Sale or Custom house for salt’ on one side, and on the other overlooked the crowded and noisy port of Naples.14 Their apartment was large enough for Jones to be able to use one room as a painting‐room, where he worked on his commissioned canvases. He mentions, almost in passing, that the lease included the use of the ‘Lastrica or Terras Roof’;15 and it was presumably from there that Jones painted the first of his Naples oils on paper, Buildings in Naples, with the North‐East Side of the Castel Nuovo, dated ‘Jan 7 1782’ on the back.16 As Anthony Blunt notes, this face of the Castel Nuovo was to be the principal subject of drawings by Géricault in 1815–16 and by Ruskin in 1841;17 but while both Géricault and Ruskin could stand back to select viewpoints further from the subject, thus allowing a wider view, Jones’s viewpoint was necessarily limited by the area of the flat roof. He makes no attempt to reduce the presence of the building which interrupts his distant view of the ancient fortress and of the domes of two churches. This neighbouring building was probably close to his own: close enough for him to depict the whitewash on its area of flat roof, and the washing hung out to dry on its walls.
Most of the Naples oils on paper are dated ‘1782’ on the back; some are inscribed with the month as well as the year, and a few with titles. The Wall is neither dated nor inscribed; thus its place in the sequence can only be surmised. After the Castel Nuovo view painted in January, there appear to be no rooftop views until the spring of 1782, when he painted Buildings in Naples (fig. 1)18 and Rooftops, Naples (fig. 2),19 each dated April 1782. As Gowing observed, Jones does not seem to have realised the opportunities for view‐painting offered by a flat roof until the two‐year lease of his apartment near the port was within weeks of expiry;20 then, as Buildings in Naples and Rooftops, Naples both show, his perception of the utter strangeness of the ordinary, unidentifiable buildings of the city had intensified. Buildings in Naples inspired a deservedly well‐known passage in Gowing’s vindication of his chosen title, The Originality of Thomas Jones,21 drawing attention (among [page 190]other things) to Jones’s instinct for ‘mathematic precision’ in design. Here it may be noted that all the rooftop views are of different sizes. It is possible that Jones cropped some of them to intensify their impact. Rooftops, Naples, for instance, measures 14.3 × 35 cm, its odd size increasing the sense of an unusual viewpoint, and its half‐seen, half‐shuttered windows imparting a curious sense of mystery.
On 3 May 1782 Jones’s lease of the house overlooking the port expired.22 He found less spacious lodgings for himself and his family at ‘Mr Thomas Francis, the English Taylor’s’, in the Chiaia quarter. But he urgently needed a painting‐room in order to complete (and earn money from) various commissions for large oils, particularly the ‘large View of the Lake of Nemi for the Earl of Bristol’ which he had begun in February.23 From 9 May 1782, he rented ‘a room to paint in’ in the nearby Convent of the Cappella Vecchia,24 quite ‘large and commodious for such a place, and as it was on the ground floor and vaulted above, very cool and pleasant at this Season of the Year – The only window it had, looked into a Small Garden, and over a part of the Suburbs, particularly the Capella Nuova, another Convent, the Porta di Chaja, Palace of Villa Franca, and part of the Hill of Pusilippo, with the Castle of S. Elmo & convent of S. Martini &c. all of which Objects, I did not omit making finished Studies of in Oil upon primed paper.’25 This is the first time that Jones refers in his Memoirs to his newly revived habit of making oil studies on paper. Those dated May 1782 include Houses in Naples26 and The Cappella Nuova outside the Porta di Chiaia. The latter is, after the Wall in Naples, the smallest of his Naples views, but one of the most highly finished of them;27 the view is a close confrontation with the church, looking slightly upwards, and was perhaps taken from the window in Jones’s ground‐floor painting‐room. But before the month was out, Jones was obliged by ‘the Good fathers’ to move from his cool ground‐floor room to an insufferably hot little ‘Cell’ upstairs. An Italian artist (‘my facetious friend D. Luigi Michili’)28 helped him to find an apartment on the third floor of a house in his own street, the Vicolo del Canale, on the hill going up to Capodimonte; and Jones took a year’s lease (until 4 May 1783), which included ‘the exclusive Use of the Lastrica … by which term the flat roofs of the houses in Naples, surrounded by parapet Walls, are called’.29
Jones describes the Vicolo del Canale as ‘a little narrow street’. But from his lastrica he now ‘commanded a view over [a] great part of the City, with the Bay, Mountains of Sorrento & Island of Caproea, – on the other Side, the Rocks, Buildings & Vineyards about Capo de Monte’. On this flat roof, he records, ‘I spent many a happy hour in painting from Nature.’30 From it, as John Gere suggests, he may well have painted the Houses in Naples which is dated August 1782 on the back (fig. 3).31 But without a tower or church dome in the background to give us bearings, such buildings are now unidentifiable; used as tenements or warehouses (or both, like the first house he had lived in), they are found throughout Naples. Jones invariably depicts innumerable small square holes in their walls, showing as black against bleached brick which is sometimes whitewashed, sometimes patchily plastered with grey or pinkish cement. While some of these perhaps served a purpose as scaffolding‐holes, as Hawcroft suggests, there are so many holes in Jones’s façades (sometimes even in his shutters) as to suggest that he introduced a great many of them for the sake of the note they contributed to the patterning of the walls.32 Truth to nature need not be entirely literal.
The Wall in Naples is the smallest of all Jones’s oils on paper. It is only fractionally larger than the standard‐sized National Gallery postcard on which it is reproduced; but, in Lawrence Gowing’s words, ‘It is one of the great microcosms of painting, less than five inches by hardly more than six, yet built grandly out of the very stuff of illusion, that stuff of quite finite, yet endless potential.’33 The shuttered windows, the irregular scattering of ‘scaffolding‐holes’, the patchy cement, the habitual stain of water (from chamber‐pots) thrown out onto the street below, are not identifiable ‘features’. They are almost matched by details in other views (see, for instance, figs. 1 and 2): but not quite matched, for this is a freshly observed view of a particular wall. All that seems certain is that Jones confronted the wall from a close viewpoint – possibly from the flat roof of his house in the Vicolo del Canale, that ‘narrow street’. It also seems likely that the day was very hot. The rectangle of sky at the top is intensely blue; heat seems to strike the wall, intensifying its every detail. It is suggested here that the Wall was painted in midsummer, perhaps about the same time as the work with which it seems to have the closest affinity, the Houses in Naples in the British Museum (fig. 3), which is dated ‘August 1782’.
In Rome a few years earlier, Jones had found the heat in August so oppressive that he took to ‘sitting in my Shirt & thin linnen Drawers without Stockens – with the Windows open – and in this dress I sat down to paint’.34 In Naples, as the summer of 1782 advanced, Jones felt the heat acutely. He conveys the power of the Neapolitan sun vividly in the work so far known just as Naples, and dated simply ‘1782’, in which intense heat blanches a rock face (? near Capodimonte) and the buildings nearby. By mid‐July, he returned from making a few calls ‘almost exhausted having had the scorching beams of the Sun full upon me the whole Way’.35 As the heat intensified, and in the light of what he himself tells us of his habit in Rome, we may imagine Jones stripped down to his shirt and underpants, sitting by open windows, or on flat roofs at those times of the day which permitted shade, painting what confronted him.
Despite the heat, Jones tells us that the year during which he lodged in the Vicolo del Canale (in what he sometimes refers to as ‘my little house at Capo di monte’)36 was ‘by far the most agreeable part of my Time during my Sojourn in Naples’. He became a friend of the draughtsman Giambattista Lusieri (‘Don Titta’), who lodged a few doors away in the same street, having been commissioned by the Queen of Naples to make views of the city.37 In July Jones recounts their excursions together into the countryside: ‘Don Titta being much in the same line of the profession with myself, we spent a great part of our time together in such kind of Scenery, making Studies from Nature, and when fatigued … generally got into the first hedge Tavern that presented itself, for refreshment.’38 Lusieri’s [page 191]minutely observed views of Naples, painted in watercolour, are mostly panoramas, overlooking wide sweeps of the city to the bay; as Jones notes, they were ‘deservedly admired for their Correctness and strict attention to Nature’ (he adds, possibly with a tinge of envy, ‘many of them purchased by Our English Cavaliers’).39

Houses in Naples, inscribed Naples August 1782 TJ on the verso. Oil on paper 28.6 × 43.4 cm. London, British Museum
. Copyright © The British Museum, Reproduced by Courtesy of The Trustees of The British
Museum
, inv 1954,1009.12. © The Trustees of the British Museum
Lusieri introduced Jones to a circle of potential patrons of various nationalities. Feeling that he was now beginning to emerge a little from a ‘Cloud of Obscurity’,40 Jones began to search for a painting‐room ‘at the Court end of the Town’; he found two rooms in a house ‘at the back of the Chaja in the Vicolo del Marisciallo de’ Svizzeri’ and, having rented them from December to the following May, moved all his ‘pictures and painting utensils’ there. To get from his painting‐room to his lodgings near Capodimonte he had to walk ‘nearly the whole length of the City, besides up and Down Hill’; but he now had another view over the city. ‘The Windows on each side looked over fruitful Gardens, and commanded a View of many Churches, Convents, Villas and the greatest part of the hill of Pusilippo’;41 and in the last days of December he ‘began several Studies of the different Scenes & Objects seen from the Windows on both sides, some of which were painted in Oil, & some in Water Colors’.42 Only one of his oil studies is dated 1783, a hillside with (?) the Monastery of St Martino, dated April 1783’;43 if he completed others, they are not now known.
One last move remained. The lease of his last painting‐room expired on 4 May 1783, a few months before Jones was ready to depart from Naples for home.44 At this point, Sir William Hamilton (who had previously shown little interest in Jones and none in his work) offered him space in the billiard room of his palazzo.45 For the last time, Jones moved all his ‘pictures and painting utensils’; for the last time, he observed a fresh view – this time opposite ‘an immense Cavern cut out of the Rock of the Pizzi Falcone, and which I had a full view of from the Windows’. Once more, there were ‘fresh opportunities for copying nature… Indeed I did little else at present, than make such Studies’.46 One might reasonably guess that not all the studies he made have survived.
John Gere drew attention in 1959 to the ‘very close parallel’ between the work of Jones and Pierre‐Henri Valenciennes (1750–1819): ‘the oil‐sketches which the Frenchman likewise made for his own instruction and amusement are strikingly like Jones’s in technique and spirit.’47 Valenciennes is not mentioned in Jones’s Memoirs; and while Gere has established that the two artists could have met, either in Rome or in Naples,48 no evidence that they did meet has since come to light. Peter Galassi 1991 fully discusses and illustrates the oil studies from nature made by Valenciennes, and their influence on later open‐air painting, particularly on the work of Corot.49 He observes that whether or not Jones and Valenciennes ever met or saw each other’s work is ‘not [page 192]pressing’: what chiefly makes them remarkable is ‘that their outdoor work marks the beginning of a continuous tradition’.50
Concentration here on Jones’s oil studies should not obscure the fact that most of his time was taken up by painting commissioned pictures, many of them large. Between Jones’s ‘studies’ and his ‘Pictures’ there is a huge difference – as comparison of the Wall with the Lake Albano51 painted for the Earl‐Bishop shows: the latter, almost the size of one of Constable’s ‘six‐footers’, took 41 days and much anguish to paint. Galassi observes that for both Jones and Valenciennes there was an ‘extreme polarity’ between their outdoor and indoor work.52 To support himself and his family in Italy, Jones executed oil paintings on canvas which were either commissioned or which he could be reasonably sure would satisfy the demand for views in a classicising tradition. Wilsonian in manner, they lack Wilson’s elegiac vein of poetry; as Ralph Edwards observed in 1970, compared with Wilson’s Italian landscapes, Jones’s canvases are ‘not transfigured by emotion, and the approach to nature is far more staid and objective’.53 Farington noted on 1 April 1798, presumably after seeing some of Jones’s conventional exhibits of oils on canvas: ‘Jones’s landscapes very cold – like China.’54 Working in oil on paper on a small scale and directly confronting from windows or rooftops what he alone saw as a subject, Jones’s work achieves an originality not to be guessed at from his canvases.
Notes
1. For the clearest possible account of the fairly informal distribution of the artist’s work after the artist’s own line ended, see Ralph Edwards in Thomas Jones, exh. cat., 1970, p. 13, n. 19. Works by Jones which remained at Pencerrig (his estate, which he himself spelled ‘Penkerrig’) were divided by a gentleman’s agreement between his two sons‐in‐law, Thomas Thomas of Llandbradach and his friend Captain John Dale of the Hon. East India Co. Navy. Edwards publishes the ‘Memo of the Pictures at Penkerrig as settled between me and Mr. Thomas’, dated 7 August 1807 and signed John Dale. It is however impossible to identify NG 6544, which is presumably one of the unspecified ‘landscapes’ or ‘unfinished pictures’ in Captain Dale’s share of the collection.
After a complicated legal wrangle c. 1813–15 in which the artist’s brother, the lawyer Middleton Jones, contested the legitimacy of the artist’s daughters and their right to inherit, Middleton Jones got much of the Jones estates. But Pencerrig, the artist’s birthplace and his home after his return from Italy, was made over to Thomas Thomas of Llandbradach. It was eventually sold to Commander Charles Evan‐Thomas DSO, RN (of a branch of the Thomas family), with its contents, including works by Thomas Jones which had remained there. After his death, Pencerrig was sold in 1952. (For full details of the Jones family and property, see R.C.B. Oliver, The Family History of Thomas Jones the Artist of Pencerrig, Radnorshire, Llandysul 1970. See also Dr Prys Morgan, ‘Thomas Jones of Pencerrig’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, 1984, Denbigh 1984, pp. 51–76.) (Back to text.)
2. She (having remarried) was Mrs Elphinstone Farrer. Christie’s description of her first husband (here, and in their earlier sale of works by Thomas Jones in 1954), as ‘a descendant of Thomas Jones’ is inaccurate. The artist’s line died out with the deaths of both his daughters (without surviving issue) by 1807. Thereafter his works passed (rather than descended) through the remarriages and subsequent issue of the artist’s sons‐in‐law. (Back to text.)
3. Mrs Jane Evan‐Thomas has made generous gifts of works by Thomas Jones to various museums, including the National Museum of Wales, the Whitworth Art Gallery, Manchester, and the Tate Gallery, London. (Back to text.)
4. Memoirs, ed. Oppé 1951 (see References), p. 55. In the original Journal (private collection), Jones spells ‘Magic’ as ‘Majick’. (Back to text.)
5. Ibid. (Back to text.)
6. For the ‘classic ground’ sought out by artists, see Duncan Bull, Classic Ground: British Artists and the Landscape of Italy, 1740–1830, exh. cat., Yale Center for British Art, 1981. Bull takes his title from Joseph Addison’s Letter from Italy, 1701: ‘For where‐so’er I turn my ravish’d Eyes /Gay gilded Scenes and Shining Prospects rise, /Poetick Fields encompass me around, /And still I seem to tread on Classic Ground.’ (Back to text.)
7. For illustrations of some of his Roman watercolours, see Hawcroft 1988, e.g. ‘At Tivoli’ (50, repr. in colour), and ‘The Lake of Nemi and Genzano’ (66, in colour, also repr. on cover). (Back to text.)
8. These are discussed and illustrated by Gowing 1985, pp. 10–26. The earliest known is the study of trees and plants, called ‘Gadbridge’ (private collection, repr. Gowing 1985, plate 7). Particularly notable are the two landscapes painted at Pencerrig in 1772, repr. Gowing 1985, plate 3 (private collection) and plate 9 (coll. Birmingham City Art Gallery): for other landscapes in Wales in oil on paper c. 1776, see plates 12–17. (Back to text.)
9. See Gowing 1985, plates 23–8, 33: of these, In the Colosseum (plate 26) and An Excavation (plate 27, c. 1777) are in the collection of the Tate Gallery. (Back to text.)
10. In April 1779 Jones drew up a list of ten commissioned paintings in oil on canvas, ‘some of them nearly finished – Others not yet begun’ (Memoirs, p. 87). He received further commissions, particularly from the Earl‐Bishop of Derry (4th Earl of Bristol). (Back to text.)
11. Memoirs, 10 July 1782, p. 112. (Back to text.)
12. See his Account Book, private collection. (Back to text.)
13. Memoirs, p. 97 (Back to text.)
14. See Memoirs, p. 96, on the ‘Inconveniences’ of living so near the port, with its ‘Chaos of Noises, filth and Confusion'. (Back to text.)
15. Memoirs, pp. 95–6. (Back to text.)
16. For earlier misreadings of the date as ‘June’, e.g. in the exh. cat., London, Marble Hill House and National Museum of Wales, 1970, and in Gowing 1985, see Hawcroft 1988, cat. no. 99, p. 90. (Back to text.)
17. ‘Recorders of Vanished Naples – I', Country Life, 23 August 1973, p. 498. Blunt reproduces the three artists’ views on the same page: Jones fig. 1, Géricault fig. 2 and Ruskin fig. 3. (Back to text.)
18. Coll. National Museum of Wales: Gowing 1985, plate 38; Hawcroft 1988, cat. no. 101, repr. in colour p. 95; Galassi 1991, plate 33, in colour. (Back to text.)
19. Gowing 1985, plate 37; Galassi 1991, plate 34, in colour. See David Blayney Brown, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Catalogue of the Collection of Drawings, Vol. IV, The Earlier British Drawings, Oxford 1982, cat. no. 869, pp. 388–9. (Back to text.)
20. Gowing 1985, p. 44. (Back to text.)
21. Ibid. , p. 44: ‘Once again an ordinary Italian building takes on a significance that transcends a given view. The simplicity of the thing in itself is rendered with unaccustomed, measured sharpness. It is just a white façade with a window and a door, which penetrate the radiant stucco with a clarity of other times. We notice a mathematic precision. The unshuttered window is four‐sixths full of shadow. At the next recess in the surface the door faces us with seven‐eighths of unyielding ochre. The patches of the wall between them are radiant multiples of the same measure… In the urban scene which fills the remainder, the roof‐tops are graduated steps in space, which make the building, voids and all, an urgent presence.' (Back to text.)
22. During the last month of his tenancy, he had had to move to smaller apartments in the same house, because of the arrival of ‘a Neapolitan painter and his family' [Antonio Pellegrini]; Memoirs, pp. 103, 110. (Back to text.)
23. 49 × 70 in.; coll. National Museum of Wales, Cardiff: ‘bespoke by the Earl of Bristol as a Companion to the Lake of Albano’, Memoirs, p. 110, plate IV, no. 58, 49 × 70 in., coll. Marble Hill House, London, p. 111. At the end of December 1781 Jones records that he packed up two other large canvases for the Earl of Bristol, ‘the View of the Coast of Baja &c and the View of Terracina’: p. 109. On 8 April 1779 Jones gives a list of subjects (and, sometimes sizes) of commissioned pictures: Memoirs, p. 87. (Back to text.)
24. Memoirs, 3 May 1782, p. 110. (Back to text.)
25. Memoirs, 3 May 1782, p. 112. (Back to text.)
26. 14 × 21 cm, private collection; Hawcroft 1988, cat. no. 103, not repr. (Back to text.)
27. 20 × 23.2 cm, irregularly cut, inscribed verso ‘The Capella nuova fuori della porta di – / Chiaja Naploi/ May 1782/TJ.’ Coll. Tate Gallery (T03545); see Tate Gallery Catalogue of Acquisitions 1982–4, London 1986, pp. 36–7, repr.; and see Hawcroft 1988, cat. no. 102, repr. in colour p. 95. (Back to text.)
28. Jones described him in October 1781 as ‘a Roman painter … a chearful thoughtless good humoured Coxcomb’ (Memoirs, p. 107). (Back to text.)
29. Memoirs, 8 (?) June 1782, p. 112. (Back to text.)
30. Quotations in this paragraph are taken from Memoirs, 8 [?] June 1782, p. 118. (Back to text.)
31. This is the chief subject of the note by John Gere 1959. (Back to text.)
32. Hawcroft 1988, p. 92. (Back to text.)
33. Gowing 1985, p. 47. (Back to text.)
34. Memoirs, 21 August 1777, p. 63. (Back to text.)
35. Memoirs, 14 July 1782, p. 113. (Back to text.)
36. For example, Memoirs, p. 118. (Back to text.)
37. Memoirs, 8 [?] June 1782, p. 112. For Lusieri (? c. 1755–1821) see [ed. S. Cassani] In the Shadow of Vesuvius, exh. cat., Accademia Italiana, London 1990, p. 127, and illustrations pp. 82–3, 84–5, 86. He later became draughtsman to Lord Elgin. (Back to text.)
38. Memoirs, 22 July 1782, p. 113. (Back to text.)
39. Memoirs, 8 [?] June 1782, p. 112. (Back to text.)
40. Memoirs, 22 July 1782, p. 113. (Back to text.)
41. Memoirs, 6 December 1782, p. 118. (Back to text.)
42. Memoirs, 28 December 1782, p. 119. (Back to text.)
43. 24.1 × 34.2 cm; coll. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; rep. Gowing 1985, plate 45. (Back to text.)
44. The lease of ‘my favourite little house near Capo di monte’ also expired on 4 May 1783; Jones took lodgings for himself and his family in the ‘Florentin Locanda’. (Back to text.)
45. Identified by Memoirs, Index, p.150, as part of the Convent of S. Maria a Capella Vecchia. (Back to text.)
46. Memoirs, 2 May 1783, p. 122. (Back to text.)
47. Gere 1959, p. 93. (Back to text.)
48. Ibid. , p. 93; p. 94 n. 5 gives the dates at which their paths could have crossed. (Back to text.)
49. Galassi 1991, pp. 11–39, particularly pp. 37–9 and plates 25–32. (Back to text.)
50. Ibid. , p.37. (Back to text.)
51. See Bull 1981 (cited in note 6), cat. no. 14, plate 1, pp. 29–30. (Back to text.)
52. Galassi 1991, p. 37. (Back to text.)
53. Edwards, Thomas Jones, exh. cat., 1970, p. 8. (Back to text.)
54. Farington, Diary, 1 April 1798, vol. III, p. 996. The comment may relate particularly to Jones’s three exhibits at the RA in 1798: two views of Sorrento and ‘A Winter Scene in Italy’ (60, 113, 350), present whereabouts unknown. (Back to text.)
Abbreviations
- bt
- bought (usually in the saleroom)
- RA
- Royal Academy of Arts, London; Royal Academician
List of references cited
- Addison 1701
- Addison, Joseph, Letter from Italy, 1701
- Blayney Brown 1982
- Blayney Brown, David, The Earlier British Drawings, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Catalogue of the Collection of Drawings, IV, Oxford 1982
- Blunt 1973
- Blunt, A., ‘Recorders of Vanished Naples – I’, Country Life, 23 August 1973
- Bull 1981
- Bull, Duncan, Classic Ground: British Artists and the Landscape of Italy, 1740–1830 (exh. cat.), Yale Center for British Art 1981
- Cassani 1990
- Cassani, S., ed., In the Shadow of Vesuvius (exh. cat.), Accademia Italiana, London 1990
- Davies 1946
- Davies, Martin, National Gallery Catalogues: The British School, London 1946 (revised edn, London 1959)
- Davies 1959
- Davies, Martin, National Gallery Catalogues: The British School, revised edn, London 1959
- Edwards 1970
- Edwards, Ralph, Thomas Jones (exh. cat.), 1970
- Farington 1978–98
- Farington, Joseph, The Diary of Joseph Farington, eds Kenneth Garlick, Angus Macintyre and Kathryn Cave, index compiled by Evelyn Newby (vols I–VI ed. Kenneth Garlick and Angus Macintyre; vols VII–XVI ed. Kathryn Cave), 16 vols, New Haven and London 1978–98
- Galassi 1991
- Galassi, Peter, Corot in Italy: Open‐Air Painting and the Classical‐Landscape Tradition, New Haven and London 1991
- Gere 1959
- Gere, J.A., ‘An Oil‐Sketch by Thomas Jones’, British Museum Quarterly, 1959, XXI, 4, 93–4
- Gere 1970
- Gere, J.A., ‘Thomas Jones; An Eighteenth‐Century Conundrum’, Apollo, 1970, XCI
- Gowing 1985
- Gowing, Lawrence, The Originality of Thomas Jones, London 1985
- Hawcroft 1988
- Hawcroft, Francis, Travels in Italy 1776–1783, based on the Memoirs of Thomas Jones (exh. cat.), Whitworth Art Gallery, Manchester 1988
- Morgan 1984
- Morgan, Prys, Dr, ‘Thomas Jones of Pencerrig’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, 1984, Denbigh 1984, 51–76
- Oliver 1970
- Oliver, R.C.B., The Family History of Thomas Jones the Artist of Pencerrig, Radnorshire, Llandysul 1970
- Oppé 1951
- Oppé, A.P., ed., ‘Memoirs of Thomas Jones’, The Walpole Society, 1946–1948 (1951), XXXII
- Tate 1986
- Tate, Tate Gallery Catalogue of Acquisitions 1982–4, London 1986
- Young Ottley 1832
- Young Ottley, W., Descriptive Catalogue of the Pictures in the National Gallery, with Critical Remarks on their Merits, London 1832
List of exhibitions cited
- London 1953-62
- London, National Gallery, National Gallery Acquisitions, 1953–62
- London and Cardiff 1970
- London, Marble Hill House; Cardiff, National Museum of Wales, Thomas Jones, 1970
- Manchester 1988
- Manchester, Whitworth Art Gallery, Travels in Italy 1776–1783, based on the Memoirs of Thomas Jones, 1988
- New York, Omaha, Los Angeles and Chicago 1981–2
- New York, Museum of Modern Art; Omaha, Nebraska, Joslyn Art Museum; Los Angeles, University of California, Frederick S. Wight Art Gallery; Chicago, Art Institute of Chicago, Before Photography: Painting and the Invention of Photography, 1981–2
- Washington, New York and St Louis 1996–7
- Washington, National Gallery of Art; New York, Brooklyn Museum; St Louis, St Louis Art Museum, In the Light of Italy: Corot and Early Open‐Air Painting, 1996–7
Arrangement of the Catalogue
This is a catalogue of the 61 works which represent the British School in the National
Gallery now, at the beginning of 1998. The first Descriptive Catalogue of the Pictures in the National Gallery, with Critical Remarks
on their Merits, by W. Young Ottley, was published in 1832 (earlier catalogues were hardly more than hand‐lists). The first scholarly catalogue
devoted to the Gallery’s British pictures – National Gallery Catalogues: The British School – was compiled by Martin Davies (Director 1968–73). Its first edition in 1946 included 333 pictures. By 1959, when Davies published a revised edition (following large transfers of pictures upon
the Tate’s separation
in 1954
from the National Gallery in 1954), the number of British pictures in the National
Gallery had been reduced to 99.
Martin Davies’s British School catalogue still stands as a model of concise record and meticulous (sometimes astringent) footnotes. This catalogue is chattier. I have tried to combine accurate information about the making and subsequent history of the pictures with more concern for their subject matter than Martin Davies allowed himself. Here I share to the full Neil MacGregor’s conviction that the public should have as much information as possible about their pictures. In a collection still dominated by portraits, much information about sitters (men, women and, in the largest portrait of all, a horse) is available; some of it may help to assess how far a portraitist has succeeded in reflecting [page 17]individual character. The background information offered here can, of course, be skipped, leaving the illustrations – or better still, the actual works – to speak for themselves.
All the works have been examined in the company of Martin Wyld, the Gallery’s Chief Restorer. He has compiled all the Technical Notes except for those on Hogarth’s Marriage A‐la‐Mode, which have been contributed by David Bomford. Many of these Technical Notes incorporate the results of detailed examination by Ashok Roy, Head of the Scientific Department, and by his colleagues Raymond White and Jennie Pilc. The bibliography of published work on the techniques and pigments used by artists during the period covered by this catalogue (pp. 432–5) has been compiled by Jo Kirby of the Gallery’s Scientific Department.
The catalogue is arranged in the two parts into which it fairly naturally falls. Part I catalogues the well‐known and deservedly popular works which are nearly always on view (except when lent to outside exhibitions). The artists represented in it are Constable, Gainsborough, Hogarth, Thomas Jones, Lawrence, Reynolds, Sargent, Stubbs, Turner, Wilson, Wright of Derby and Zoffany, arranged in alphabetical order, with their works (when more than one) in their known (or likely) chronological sequence. The time‐span of works by this small group of twelve artists is hardly more than 150 years, from Hogarth’s six paintings of Marriage A‐la‐Mode, of about 1742, to Sargent’s Lord Ribblesdale, dated 1902. In this part of the catalogue, movements of pictures to and from the Tate are briefly noted (below the heading Exhibited), such information being offered to reassure those who remember seeing, say, Wright of Derby’s An Experiment on a Bird in the Air Pump in the Tate rather than in the National Gallery (or recalling locations given in past literature) that their recollection was not at fault. Under this heading, movements for short periods usually indicate loans supplied by the Tate to fill gaps on the National Gallery walls when it lent pictures for exhibition elsewhere. ‘Tate 1960–1’, frequently noted, indicates the period of the Gallery’s winter exhibition National Gallery Acquisitions 1953–62 ; to make room for this exhibition, most of its British School pictures were accommodated and displayed in the Tate Gallery.
Part II catalogues the Gallery’s collection of portraits (including four marble busts) of those who played significant parts in the history of the National Gallery itself. Since it is in a sense a narrative (though an incomplete one) of the Gallery’s history, Part II is presented chronologically, according to the various sitters’ relationships to the National Gallery. Lawrence is the only artist to appear in both parts of this catalogue (his portrait of *Queen Charlotte appears in Part I, his two portraits of *John Julius Angerstein in Part II). In this group, Sir George Beaumont (grudgingly sitting to Hoppner, an artist he habitually denigrated) will be a familiar figure in the history of British art. Other Trustees and benefactors – preeminently, perhaps, Layard of Nineveh – will be better known outside the perspectives of the National Gallery, while two of its minor heroes – William Seguier, the Gallery’s first Keeper, and William Boxall RA , its second Director – may hardly be known at all.
Few portraits of National Gallery benefactors were ever transferred to the Tate; the only exceptions appear to be the transfer of the first version of Linnell’s portrait of Samuel Rogers (the National Gallery retaining a second version) and the transfer in 1949 of Hoppner’s portrait of Charles Long, Lord Farnborough, accepted by the National Gallery as a gift in 1934, but hung for a few months only, before being pronounced by Sir Kenneth Clark (Director, 1933–45) ‘not worth a place’. The National Gallery retains a finer image of Long in the form of Chantrey’s marble bust. Most of the works in Part II are hung in the Reception Area or the Reserve Collection.
All but one of the benefactors who figure in Part II have one thing in common: they bought pictures, but begat no heirs, and therefore chose to give or bequeath paintings to the National Gallery. The exception is the actor‐manager Thomas Denison Lewis, who in 1849 bequeathed not only *Mr Lewis as The Marquis in the Midnight Hour (Shee’s portrait of his famous actor‐father), but also £10,000 for future Gallery purchases. Prudently invested, the Lewis Fund enabled the purchase of many National Gallery pictures of all schools, including two much‐loved British pictures: the Heads of Six of Hogarth’s Servants and Gainsborough’s *Cornard Wood. The Hogarth was transferred to the Tate in 1960: thus, unknowingly, Lewis became a benefactor to both institutions.
Ann
An
Appendix includes provisional catalogue entries for *Portrait of a Lady, painted by Cornelius Johnson (or Jonson van Ceulen) after his return to Holland,
and *On the Delaware, by the wholly American painter George Inness. Both were included in Martin Davies’s
British School catalogue, but since they do not properly belong to the British School, they will
eventually be included in more appropriate Schools catalogues.
About this version
Version 3, generated from files JE_2000__16.xml dated 20/02/2025 and database__16.xml dated 28/02/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Entries for NG472 and NG479 prepared for publication; biography of Turner and entries for NG130, NG472, NG479, NG681, NG925, NG1162, NG3044, NG6196-NG6197 and NG6544 proofread following mark-up and corrected.
Cite this entry
- Permalink (this version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DV7-000B-0000-0000
- Permalink (latest version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DTF-000B-0000-0000
- Chicago style
- Egerton, Judy. “NG 6544, A Wall in Naples”. 2000, online version 3, February 28, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DV7-000B-0000-0000.
- Harvard style
- Egerton, Judy (2000) NG 6544, A Wall in Naples. Online version 3, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DV7-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 29 March 2025).
- MHRA style
- Egerton, Judy, NG 6544, A Wall in Naples (National Gallery, 2000; online version 3, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DV7-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 29 March 2025]