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Cornard Wood, near Sudbury, Suffolk:
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Entry details

Full title
Cornard Wood, near Sudbury, Suffolk
Artist
Thomas Gainsborough
Inventory number
NG925
Author
Judy Egerton
Extracted from
The British Paintings (London, 2000)

Catalogue entry

, 2000

Extracted from:
Judy Egerton, The British Paintings (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2000).

© The National Gallery, London

Oil on canvas, 122 × 155 cm (48 × 61 in.)

Provenance

According to Gainsborough himself, the picture was painted in 1748 and sold soon after, passing through the hands of ‘twenty dealers’ (he himself once buying it back for 19 guineas), until sold by Richard Morrison, Greenwood’s, 8 March 1788 (78) for 75 guineas, bt Alderman John Boydell (d.1804); his nephew, Josiah Boydell, by 1808 reported as hoping to sell the picture for 150 guineas;1 purchased (? from him) by David Pike Watts,2 and in his collection by 1814 (when exhibited BI ), then by descent to his daughter Mary, m. 1811 Jesse Russell (later Watts‐Russell), Ilam Hall, Staffordshire;3 Jesse Watts‐Russell, executors’ sale, Christie’s 3 July 1875 (32, as ‘A wood scene, with figures; a view near the village of Cornard in Suffolk’), 1150 guineas, bt Sir Frederic Burton, Director of the National Gallery, out of the Lewis Fund for the National Gallery 1875.

Exhibited (with varying titles)4

London, Pall Mall, Boydell Shakespeare Gallery, 1790 , with Prestel’s engraving of the subject, as noted below; BI 1814 (16); BI 1843 (176); Manchester 1857 (Saloon D, 95); NG , Cleaned Pictures, 1947 (82); The Hague, Mauritshuis, The Shock of Recognition, 1970–1, and Tate Gallery 1971 (30, repr.); Tate Gallery 1973–4 (51, repr. p.40); Bury St Edmunds, Manor House Museum, Suffolk Landscapes, 1993 (no cat.); London (NG), Norwich and Newcastle 1997 (24).

At the Tate Gallery 1960-1; 1963-4 .

Literature

Morning Herald, 12 March 1788 [p. 3, col. a], and Gainsborough’s letter of 11 March 1788 published in a later issue (? 1788), now known only from a cutting in the V&A Library (‘Press Cuttings from English Newspapers on Matters of Artistic Interest 1686–1835’, vol. 2, p. 532); Fulcher 1856, pp. 10, 197; Whitley 1915, pp. 296–302, 333–4 (and see Whitley Papers, MSS and typescript, BM, P&D , ‘Gainsborough scrapbook’ [2], pp. 26–7, 80); Mary Woodall, ‘A Note on Gainsborough and Ruisdael’, Burlington Magazine, LXVI, 1935, pp. 40–5; Woodall 1939, pp. 12, 13, 24, 29; Waterhouse 1953, pp. 173–4, plate 151; Davies 1959, pp. 36–7; Hayes 1975, p. 204; Potterton 1976, p. 8; Hayes 1982, I, pp. 40–1, 51, 64, 65–7, 76; II, cat. no. 17, pp. 342–3, repr. p. 343, with detail plate 75; E. John Walford, Jacob van Ruisdael, New Haven and London 1991, p. 187.

Engraved

by Mary Catherine Prestel, in etching and aquatint, and in reverse, lettered Gainsborough's Forest / From the Original Picture in the collection of Alderman Boydell/Published Jan 1st 1790 by J. & J. Boydell5 Cheapside & at the Shakspeare Gallery Pall Mall London; displayed (and orders taken for other impressions) with the painting at Boydell’s Shakespeare Gallery 1790.

Copies

Hayes 1982, II, p. 344, notes a slightly reduced copy sold Sotheby’s 22 July 1959 (64), and a small variant copy in a private collection, USA.

Technical Notes

Cleaned in 1945. The condition is good, with no significant loss or damage, but the paint of the foliage is thin and markedly affected by drying cracks.

The present stretcher does not correspond exactly with the original shape. At the top edge the paint of the sky continues over the turnover for the whole depth of the stretcher (2.5 cm) and the canvas has been cut, though there is no indication of how much is missing. At the bottom edge, about 1 cm of paint is turned over the stretcher, and the canvas appears not to be cut. At each side, a width of about 2.5 cm is now on the surface, although originally turned over, and the unpainted edges of the canvas survive.

The strip of painted canvas turned over the top edge of the stretcher is pale blue, though the sky itself is grey. Cross‐section examination shows that the sky, apart from the clouds, is a weak tint of Prussian blue and lead white, and that the Prussian blue has faded except where it has been protected from light by foliage painted over it or by being turned over the stretcher.

The greyest clouds contain no blue pigment and consist of lead white mixed with charcoal. The bluish tinge results from the cool tones of charcoal when mixed with white. The deepest greens of the foliage are mixtures based on Prussian blue combined with earth pigments, bone black and yellow lake, which are common in eighteenth‐century landscape painting and in Gainsborough in particular.

Discussion

Cornard Wood is on the outskirts of the village of Great Cornard, two miles from Sudbury, Gainsborough’s birthplace. Gainsborough’s viewpoint has been established by Hugh Belsey,6 Curator of Gainsborough’s House, Sudbury, who observes that the view is taken from Abbas Hall,7 on a hillside above Great Cornard, looking south and slightly west to the village of Great Henny.8 The church of St Mary’s, Great Henny, can be seen in the background, the eye being led to it by the path winding through the wood; but as Belsey notes, Gainsborough has somewhat telescoped the distance between his viewpoint and Great Henny, and has allowed himself some licence in depicting its church tower.9

This scene is of common land, not private property. Outside the village, the wood gives the villagers common (and ancient) rights to gather wood, graze donkeys and horses, dig marl10 for manure and sand for building materials, take the path to Great Henny or just take the air; under thin sunlight, figures and animals in (chiefly) the left half of the picture do [page 73][page 74]these various things. Its right half, empty of figures, is shaded, and still. Branches of trees are clearly reflected in two adjoining ponds; such ponds, fed by springs, are still to be found in this part of Suffolk.

Fig. 1

Letter from Gainsborough to Henry Bate Dudley concerning his painting Cornard Wood, published in The Morning Herald, 11 March 1788. © V&A Picture Library.

Such scenery, and such activities, must have been familiar to Gainsborough since childhood. He told Philip Thicknesse, his friend, early patron and anecdotalist, that even before he learnt to draw, ‘there was not a Picturesque clump of Trees, no, nor hedge row, stone, or post, at the corner of the Lanes, that he had not so perfectly in his mind’s eye, that had he known he could use a pencil, he could have perfectly delineated’.11 He began teaching himself to draw and paint by studying and copying the landscapes of Dutch artists, particularly Jacob van Ruisdael; his close copy in black chalk of Ruisdael’s Woodland Ford with Figures and Cattle (‘La Forêt’) is frequently reproduced.12

The taste for Dutch landscape was one Gainsborough shared with many others before him and in his own time. In English Taste in Landscape in the Seventeenth Century13 (a rich yet strangely neglected source), H. and M. Ogden trace a long line of Dutch artists working in England between 1660 and 1700. Andrew Moore’s valuable study of Dutch and Flemish paintings in East Anglian collections14 shows the increasing popularity of Dutch landscapes with English collectors during the eighteenth century. Dealers stocked Dutch pictures since they had a wide appeal to those who preferred the recognisable reality rather than the unrealisable, Claudian ideal. Growing up in Sudbury, Gainsborough could have seen Dutch paintings in East Anglian collections, and probably knew others in the form of engravings. In the work of Ruisdael and Cuyp, Pynacker and Saftleven,15 he could have recognised ‘a common, native landscape’ (Andrew Moore’s phrase)16 to which he could respond, which he could readily adapt, and which was also marketable. Gainsborough appears to have had contacts with dealers from the 1740s, particularly with Panton Betew, a Suffolk‐born dealer in London, who handled several of his early Suffolk landscapes and commissioned engravings of them.17 In 1748, when Cornard Wood was (in Gainsborough’s own phrase) ‘first delivered by me to go in search of those who had taste enough to admire it’, it is likely that he took it to Panton Betew, who bought it, outright or on commission, and placed it for sale in his shop in Old Compton Street, Soho.

Hayes cites two pictures listed in a sale catalogue of 1766 as evidence that Gainsborough did some hack work for dealers, ‘repairing a Dutch landscape, and putting figures into a landscape by Wijnants’; but it should be noted that the latter name in fact appears in the sale catalogue as ‘Wynants’, and that Adrienne Corri has traced a Francis Wynants working in Suffolk with whom Gainsborough might have collaborated, rather than undertaking the more difficult exercise of superimposing figures on a much earlier artist’s work.18 Whether on this occasion he ‘put figures’ into a landscape painted by the Wijnants who died in 1684 or collaborated with a Wynants of his own day remains unclear; but in either case, too much should not be made of this.19 Many artists, especially when young and needy, were willing to oblige dealers with a bit of restoration; after all, they had brushes and paints to hand, and ‘obliging’ might help if their own works were to be accepted for sale.

Forty years after painting the picture we now know as Cornard Wood, Gainsborough wrote that it was ‘actually painted at Sudbury, in the year 1748’. He states this in a letter dated 11 March 1788, written from his home in Pall Mall to his friend Henry Bate Dudley, who published it in the Morning Herald. Gainsborough’s letter is reproduced here in full (fig. 1), for quite apart from being a characteristic example of his letter‐writing style, it is an important document for Cornard Wood. Though this letter recalls a picture painted forty years earlier and, like all Gainsborough’s letters, is written impulsively, there is no good reason to disbelieve anything in the artist’s own statements in it.

The letter was prompted by the fact that three days earlier, Cornard Wood had unexpectedly resurfaced in Greenwood’s saleroom, where it was purchased by the well‐known collector and print‐publisher Alderman John Boydell. As a good newspaper man, Bate Dudley judged that the reappearance of an [page [75]]early ‘large Landscip’ by an artist known in the 1780s chiefly as a fashionable portraitist would make an interesting news item; he therefore asked Gainsborough for information about it. Gainsborough’s response was the letter reproduced here; but evidently thinking that Gainsborough’s letter‐writing style was too whimsical for his readers, Bate Dudley published his own genteel (and misleading) paraphrase of it the next day,20 publishing the letter itself only after Gainsborough’s death.

Gainsborough thinks of the picture as ‘in some respects a little in the schoolboy stile’, and as ‘an early instance of how strong my inclination stood for LANDSKIP’. He then states perfectly clearly that ‘this picture was actually painted at SUDBURY, in the year 1748’, adding that ‘it was begun before I left school; – and was the means of my Father’s sending me to London’. Gainsborough’s recall of events of 1748 is likely to have remained particularly clear: that was the year of his father’s death, and his own return from London to live and work in Sudbury.21 By the spring of 1788, when he was asked to recollect Cornard Wood, he owned to being in ‘bodily pain’ (he died of cancer in August);22 but other letters show a mind still keen and work still progressing. Hayes however believes that ‘the date of 1748 is open to question on stylistic grounds, and it is conceivable that after forty years, Gainsborough’s memory played him false.’23 Hayes prefers to date Cornard Wood to ‘ c. 1746–7’, and later writers have fallen into line behind him.

Of nearly 200 landscapes painted over the years by Gainsborough, only one is actually dated – the so‐called Rest by the Way now in Philadelphia, dated 1747.24 Hayes’s dating of ‘ c. 1746–7’ orders Cornard Wood into a position four works earlier than the Philadelphia picture, largely, it seems, because he considers that Cornard Wood ‘suffers from the inclusion of too many unrelated motifs’25 and demonstrates that ‘subject‐matter of any clearly defined or meaningful description … was not [yet] within Gainsborough’s grasp’. But there is a subject in Cornard Wood, perhaps more obvious to economic historians than to art historians: this is the common just outside Sudbury, used by the villagers for small gainful activities – much as similar figures abound in Jan van der Heyden’s Cross Roads in a Wood, a painting of about 1675 whose likely influence upon Gainsborough, noted by Bachrach in 1971,26 is ignored by Hayes and his followers.

Admittedly, the common seems over‐crowded; but it is crowded not by ‘unrelated motifs’ but by people with distinct purposes. A year or two later, Gainsborough amply demonstrated his ability to handle clearly defined subject matter, with a landscape recently identified by the Suffolk historian Norman Scarfe as Holywells Park, Ipswich (fig. 3), in which the ponds are man‐made, constructed to supply Cobbold’s Brewery with pure water from Holywells’ natural springs.27 Cornard Wood is more ‘picturesque’ (or less realistic) than Holywells Park; but at its core it retains a sense of a real place, however unreally crowded with picturesque staffage.

Using the evidence of exhibition and saleroom catalogues, newspaper reviews, engravings and a few surviving receipts, Hayes has constructed a valuable list of ‘Datable Landscapes’;28 but such supporting evidence is sparse for the early landscapes. Here his chronological order must be surmised ‘on stylistic grounds’, which inevitably produces chain‐dating,29 and does not admit the possibility that a work might hang [page 76]about in an artist’s room, picked up now and then, reviewed and either discarded or finally pulled together, Hayes acknowledges that ‘very few of the landscapes are precisely datable, especially in the early and middle years of Gainsborough’s career’.30 Gainsborough himself has stated that Cornard Wood was ‘actually painted … in the year 1748’, which would place it a year later than the Philadelphia picture; to this compiler, that seems perfectly credible. In the absence of any reason to disbelieve him – other than the inevitably subjective perception of ‘stylistic grounds’ – this compiler prefers to respect Gainsborough’s own date of 1748.

Fig. 2

Cornard Wood, detail (© The National Gallery, London)

Fig. 3

Holywells Park, Ipswich, c. 1748–50. Oil on canvas, 50.8 × 66 cm. Ipswich, Christchurch Mansion. © Ipswich Borough Council Museums and Galleries, Acquired with the assistance of the National Art Collections Fund, the Museums and Galleries Commission (via the Victoria and Albert Museum Grant‐in‐ Aid Fund), Pilgrim Trust and the National Heritage Memorial Fund © Colchester & Ipswich Museums Service / Bridgeman Images.

Gainsborough’s recollection that Cornard Wood ‘was begun before I left school’ is less specific (or more ambiguous), than the statement later in his letter that ‘this picture was actually painted … in the year 1748’. It has sometimes been taken to mean that Gainsborough began the painting (or possibly even completed it) at the age of twelve or thirteen, in 1740, the year in which he probably left home for London, to study drawing in the St Martin’s Lane Academy.31 Even a small knowledge of Gainsborough’s habitually airy, allusive and wholly undocumentary letter‐writing style32 suggests that his phrase ‘begun before I left school’ does not literally mean ‘before I left Sudbury Grammar School’,33 but rather while he was still learning his art, drawing studies from nature on scraps of paper which (as Thicknesse recalled) he called ‘his Riding school’, and painting (in his own phrase) ‘a little in the schoolboy stile’. Hayes’s interpretation of Gainsborough’s wording seems reasonable enough; ‘the most obvious explanation is that he had made drawings and sketches of the scene while he was still a schoolboy and only took them up again several years later’;34 but it should be noted that he makes rather too large a claim for his evidence in saying that ‘X‐ray photographs show that he did not deviate one iota from his composition once he had started work upon the canvas; the inescapable conclusion is that every detail had been carefully thought out beforehand – one only regrets the many lost drawings.’35 The X‐ray photographs in question, taken by the National Gallery at Dr Hayes’s request, are of the middle section of the picture only, and are not easy to interpret, since they chiefly show the picture’s ground rather than the paint.36

Gainsborough himself remarks in his letter of 1788 that ‘though there is very little idea of composition in the picture, the touch and closeness to nature in the study of the parts and minutiae, are equal to any of my latter productions’. This claim is abundantly justified, as a detail shows (fig. 2). Some pride in and affection for this early work are evident in his letter; but he hopes not to sound ‘vain or ridiculous’ in expressing them, and adds ‘do not look on the Landskip as one of my riper performances’. Writing about Cornard Wood perhaps prompted him (two months later, in a letter to his [page 77]Norfolk friend Thomas Harvey) to recall ‘my first imitations of little Dutch landscapes’.37

Fig. 4

Wooded Landscape with Herdsman seated near a Pool, c. 1747–8. Sudbury, Gainsborough’s House. © Gainsborough’s House, Sudbury, Suffolk. © Gainsborough's House / Bridgeman Images.

Attention has been drawn to the ‘grey skies’ in Cornard Wood;38 but they were not always so grey. As observed in the Technical Notes, the sky is painted with a weak tint of Prussian blue which has faded, except where the canvas was turned over at the top edge. While the sky itself now appears to be grey, with greyer clouds, it must once have been as blue as the skies in the small and probably slightly earlier canvas called Landscape with a Peasant on a Path,39 and in the Wooded Landscape with Herdsman40 (fig. 4) which Hayes dates c. 1746–8’, but which appears to this compiler to be close in date (and place) to Cornard Wood, and thus likely also to have been painted in 1748.

Cornard Wood belonged for some years to John Constable’s uncle, David Pike Watts; it hung in his house in Portland Place, where Constable could often have seen it. When his uncle lent the picture to the British Institution in 1814, it was catalogued as ‘A woody scene, in his early manner’; it may have been Constable who recognised the scene as near Cornard, and helped to evolve the title under which it descended to his cousins. Constable was born within ten miles of Gainsborough’s birthplace.41 When, as a young man of 23, he first called on Joseph Farington RA (on 25 February 1799), the conversation turned to Gainsborough’s work. Farington records that ‘Mr J. Constable of Ipswich calld … thinks first pictures of Gainsborough his best, latter so wide of nature.’42 Painting near Woodbridge in Suffolk the following summer, Constable wrote to J.T. Smith: ‘tis a most delightfull country for a landscape painter, I fancy I see Gainsborough in every hedge and hollow tree.’43 At this stage in Constable’s development, what he looked for and found in Gainsborough’s early landscapes was truth to nature. By the time he gave his lectures on landscape painting in 1836, he could respond to something less particular and more elusive in Gainsborough’s pictures: ‘On looking at them, we find tears in our eyes, and know not what brings them.’44 Constable discussed Ruisdael in these lectures, bringing into the lecture hall a copy he had himself recently made of a Ruisdael winter scene in order to demonstrate ‘that Ruysdael understood what he was painting’.45

The influence of Dutch artists passed on to the next generation of East Anglian landscape painters. It is evident, for instance, in the Landscape: A View through Trees painted by James Stark in the 1820s, and now in the Castle Museum, Norwich.46 In a letter to Stark of 1816, his master John Crome gave the general advice that ‘Trifles in Nature must be overlooked that we may have our feelings raised by seeing the whole picture at a glance, not knowing how or why we are so charmed.’47 Gainsborough was to be praised by [page 78]Théophile Thoré (later better known as Thoré‐Bürger) for just such wisdom, which Thoré discerned in a group of his later landscapes exhibited in the Manchester Art Treasures exhibition of 1857. Of these Thoré wrote: ‘Il ébauchait tout d’un trait son tableau et le poussait harmonieusement de haut en bas, sans isoler son attention sur de petits fragments, sans s’obstiner aux détails; car il cherchait l’effet général, et il le trouvait presque toujours … d’un seul coup d’oeil.’48 He went so far as to say that the Louvre should acquire a landscape by Gainsborough even if it meant paying for it (‘honnêtement et par le simple vertu des livres sterling’).49 When Gainsborough painted Cornard Wood, at the age of twenty, he put too many ‘petits fragments’ in it, and charming as these individually are, they distract us from ‘seeing the whole picture at a glance’ (in Crome’s phrase), ‘d’un seul coup d’oeil’ (in Thoré’s). Gainsborough’s own awareness of this no doubt explains why, forty years later, he pronounced his picture to be ‘a little in the schoolboy stile’. Undoubtedly it is unsophisticated in composition; as certainly, there is a note of reverie about it which sets it wholly apart from the realism of the ‘little Dutch landscapes’ he had studied in his youth.

Perhaps unexpectedly, the last word might go to Roger Fry. In 1934, discussing the weaknesses – but still more the strengths – of Cornard Wood, aware of the artist’s models yet still more aware of his individuality, he writes:Cornard Wood… is in effect a transposition of a Dutch landscape into an English mood, and with a freshness and delicacy of feeling which is entirely personal to Gainsborough; and with that, a franker acceptance of the colour of nature than Hobbema or Ruysdael allowed. Beside them, no doubt it would look a little fragile and over subtle; it lacks their forcible construction and vigorous relief. But though it is not overemphasised, the relief and the spatial construction are none the less felt, and perhaps that very delicacy and understatement of contrast conduces to the dreamy tranquillity of its mood.50

Notes

1. Farington, Diary, 26 March 1808, vol. IX, p. 3247. Josiah Boydell asked Farington’s help in selling two pictures inherited from his uncle Alderman John Boydell, Reynolds’s portrait of Heathfield and ‘the Landscape by Gainsborough’, saying that ‘He wd. take 300 guineas’ for Lord Heathfield ‘and 150 gs. for the Landscape by Gainsborough’. (Back to text.)

2. David Pike Watts (1754–1816), collector and a governor of the BI , was John Constable’s uncle; see JCC, vol. I, 1962, p. 319. (Back to text.)

3. See Ilam Gallery Catalogue 1827, 1828, p. 14, and anon., History and Topography of Ashbourn, Ashbourn 1839, p. 181. (Back to text.)

4. The picture was completed in 1748, thirteen years before Gainsborough exhibited any work; and he seems never to have given it a specific title. In 1790, two years after his death, Mary Prestel’s aquatint of it was published with the engraved title Gainsborough’s Forest, probably invented by Alderman John Boydell, then the owner of the painting and publisher of the engraving. It was exhibited at the BI in 1814 as ‘A woody scene, in his early manner’, at the BI in 1843 as ‘A woody landscape’ and at the Manchester Art Treasures exhibition of 1857 simply as ‘Landscape’. The specifically descriptive (and nearly accurate) title ‘Wood scene; the Church and Village of Cornard, near Sudbury, Suffolk, in the distance’ had meanwhile been evolved for it in the Ilam Gallery Catalogue, 1828.

In time this was contracted to the deservedly popular title ‘Cornard Wood’, used for many years in National Gallery catalogues. Davies (1946 and 1959) thought that since the 1790 engraved title antedated the 1828 Ilam Gallery title, the painting should be called ‘Gainsborough’s Forest (“Cornard Wood”)’; but there is no great validity in a title invented after the artist’s death, and Cornard Wood itself cannot by any stretch of the imagination be called a forest. Cornard Wood is therefore preferred here as the key phrase in the picture’s title.

In Hayes 1982, II, p. 342, NG 925 appears as Wooded Landscape with Woodcutter, Figures, Animals, Pool and Distant Village (Gainsborough’s Forest); but this title is geared to Hayes’s need (in a catalogue of 187 landscapes) to distinguish between their salient features. It will not do for general use. (Back to text.)

5. The second ‘J. Boydell’ is Josiah, nephew of Alderman John Boydell, founder of the firm and by 1790 the owner of Gainsborough’s picture. (Back to text.)

6. The compiler is very grateful to Hugh Belsey for explaining the viewpoint on the spot, and for subsequent discussion of the picture. (Back to text.)

7. Originally ‘Abbess’, from its ownership by the Abbey of Mailing, Kent; see Eric Sandon, Suffolk Houses, Woodbridge 1977, pp. 306–7. It still stands. (Back to text.)

8. It may be noted here that the sale of Lord Dover’s pictures at Robinson & Fisher, 21 May 1895 (by order of the late Viscount Clifden’s executors), included, as lot 778, a small canvas by Gainsborough: ‘Landscape and Figures with Views of Henney Church, near Sudbury in Suffolk, where Gainsborough was born’ ( bt Wallis). The identification of Henny Church in the background is hardly likely to have been invented; but this landscape appears to be unidentifiable in Hayes 1982; nor does he identify any other views of Henny. (Back to text.)

9. N. Pevsner rev. E. Radcliffe, Suffolk, Harmondsworth 1974, p. 186, describes the tower of St Mary’s, Great Henny, as ‘the lower parts … Norman, the diagonal buttresses and the broach‐spire C 15 or later’. (Back to text.)

10. Soil consisting of clay and chalk, much used in Suffolk and elsewhere as a fertiliser; sometimes spelled ‘marle’. (Back to text.)

11. Philip Thicknesse, A Sketch of the Life and Paintings of Thomas Gainsborough, Esq., privately printed, and sold in London, 1788, p. 6. (Back to text.)

12. Gainsborough’s copy of the Ruisdael (Hayes 1970, cat. no. 80, plate 248; coll. Whitworth Art Gallery, Manchester) was first discussed and illustrated by Mary Woodall (1935, pp. 40 and 45, repr. p. [41]; also repr. Foister et al. 1997, fig. 1. Ruisdael’s Woodland Ford with Cattle and Figures (‘La Forêt’) is in the collection of the Louvre (on long loan to Douai, Musée de la Chartreuse), and is repr. in colour in Walford 1991, p. 136, fig. 145. Waterhouse 1958 (cat. no. 826, plate 46) notes that Gainsborough’s so‐called ‘Drinkstone Park’ landscape now in the Sâo Paulo Museum of Art is a freer variation on the same Ruisdael. Hayes (1982, as ‘c.1747’, cat. no. 20, repr.) considers the Sâo Paulo landscape to be later than Cornard Wood, which to this compiler seems unlikely. (Back to text.)

13. Henry V.S. Ogden and Margaret S. Ogden, English Taste in Landscape in the Seventeenth Century, Ann Arbor 1955; see particularly chapter XII, pp. 114–26. (Back to text.)

14. Andrew W. Moore, Dutch and Flemish Painting in Norfolk, exh. cat., Norwich Castle Museum, London 1988, passim . A fuller idea of the scope of this study is given by its subtitle, ‘A history of taste and influence, fashion and collecting’. (Back to text.)

15. Jacob van Ruisdael ( c. 1628/9–82); Jan Wijnants (active 1643, d. 1684); Aelbert Cuyp (1620–91); Adam Pynacker (1621–73); Herman Saftleven (1609–85). (Back to text.)

16. Moore 1988 (cited in note 14), p. xvi. While Dutch landscapes were no doubt among Gainsborough’s early and abiding loves, by the end of his life his collection of over fifty works by old masters included (as well as three works by Ruisdael, three by Molijn, two by Wijnants and others by [page 79]Pynacker, Berchem and Poelenburgh) two large canvases by Snijders, seascapes by Van de Velde, and works by Poussin, Francisque Millet, Sébastien Bourdon, Ghisolfi and others. See Hayes 1982, II, p. 130. (Back to text.)

17. See Hayes 1982, I, p. 64. (Back to text.)

18. Hayes 1982, I, p. 60, and n. 2. The sale of ‘Italian, Flemish and English Pictures of Mr Oldfield’, was held by Mr Prestage, Savile Row, 7–8 February 1766; the two lots mentioned were ‘Mr Gainsborough. A Dutch Landscape, repaired by’, first day’s sale, 7 February 1766 (17) and ‘Wynants. A Landscape, the Figures by Mr Gainsborough’, second day’s sale, 8 February (56). The second day’s sale also included four paintings by Gainsborough (14, 33, 34, 53).

The anglicised (or phonetic) spelling ‘Wynants’ or ‘Wynantz’ is frequently used in English eighteenth‐century collections and salerooms for the Dutch ‘Wijnants’. In a review of the National Gallery’s Young Gainsborough exhibition of 1997 (Evening Standard, 6 February 1997, p. 28), Brian Sewell rightly drew attention to the fact that Adrienne Corri had traced (through entries in bank books) a Francis Wynantz ‘working in Suffolk in 1735’, who received various payments from c. 1733 to 1740 from the Suffolk‐based Fonnereau family at much the same time as they made payments to Gainsborough and to Francis Hayman; see Adrienne Corri, (i) ‘Gainsborough’s Early Career; new documents and two portraits’, Burlington Magazine, CXXV, 1983, p. 210 including n. 56; (ii) The Search for Gainsborough, London 1984, pp. 199–201. Corri suggests that the picture in the 1766 Oldfield sale – ‘Wynants. A Landscape, the Figures by Mr Gainsborough’ – may have been a collaboration between this Francis Wynantz and the young Gainsborough. If Francis Wynantz is certainly an artist, this may well be so. ‘Putting figures’ into a picture by the earlier Dutch artist Wijnants would have meant over‐painting: has a painting by Ruisdael with considerably later over‐painted figures been found? (Back to text.)

19. See Foister et al. 1997, p. 7, where two entries in the Oldfield sale catalogue of 1766 – a ‘Dutch landscape repaired by Mr Gainsborough’ (first day, lot 17) and a ‘Wynants’ including ‘Figures by Mr Gainsborough’ – are taken as evidence that ‘Gainsborough was paid for repairing Dutch landscapes’; further, that these two pictures (neither of which has been traced) provide ‘the clearest indication that Gainsborough not only made copies of Dutch landscapes but actually worked on the paintings themselves’; and still further: ‘it would seem a simple transition from such repair work to the production of Gainsborough’s own landscapes.’ Simple! (Back to text.)

20. Under the heading ‘Mr Gainsborough’, Morning Herald, 12 March 1788 [p. 3, col. a]. Bate Dudley misunderstands Gainsborough’s letter; by combining several of Gainsborough’s phrases into the statement ‘He painted it at Sudbury in the year 1748, at which time he was a schoolboy’, Bate Dudley has caused much confusion. His version is reprinted from the Morning Herald in Whitley 1915, pp. 297–8 (punctuation, etc. revised, and a last paragraph added). (Back to text.)

21. John Gainsborough died 29 October 1748. For Gainsborough’s portraits of his father, see Gainsborough’s Family, exh. cat., Gainsborough’s House, Sudbury 1988, cat. nos. 4, 5. Gainsborough returned to live in Sudbury either late in 1748 or early in 1749. David Tyler notes that in the Rate Book for Hatton Garden March 1748/9 Gainsborough’s name has been entered but crossed through (‘Thomas Gainsborough’s days in Hatton Garden’, Gainsborough’s House Review 1992–3, Sudbury 1993, p. 32 n. 24). (Back to text.)

22. Letter to Thomas Harvey of Catton Hall near Norwich, from Pall Mall, 22 May 1788; Woodall 1961, no. 43, p. 91. (Back to text.)

23. Hayes 1982, II, p. 345; paraphrased on p. 312. (Back to text.)

24. Coll. Philadelphia Museum of Art. Hayes 1982, II, cat. no. 22 (as ‘Wooded Landscape, with Peasant resting…’). See Richard Dorment, British Painting in the Philadelphia Museum of Art from the Seventeenth through the Nineteenth Century, London 1986, cat. no. 26, p. III, repr. (Back to text.)

25. Hayes 1982, I, p. 51. Foister 1997 carries this rather further, alleging (p. 3) that the picture ‘is made up of a number of motifs which are near‐quotations from seventeenth‐century Dutch painters’, though no such ‘near‐quotations’ are actually adduced. (Back to text.)

26. Coll. Thyssen‐Bornemisza, repr. Shock of Recognition, Mauritshuis, The Hague, and London, Tate Gallery, exh. cat., 1971 (65), with the entirely pertinent note ‘cf. Gainsborough no. 30 [Cornard Wood]’. (Back to text.)

27. Holywells Park, Ipswich (Hayes 1982, II, cat. no. 26, as Extensive Landscape with Reservoirs, Sluice Gate House and Seated Figure) was acquired for Ipswich, Christchurch Mansion, in 1992; for the identification of the view, see NACF Review 1992, 1992, pp. 122–3. (Back to text.)

28. Hayes 1982, II, pp. 312–18, followed by exhibited and datable but unidentifiable landscapes (pp. 319–21), with a ‘Summary of the Chronology Proposed’ (pp. 324–5). (Back to text.)

29. See Martin Butlin’s review of Hayes 1982, Burlington Magazine, April 1983, p. 233, for the weakness inherent in chaindating. (Back to text.)

30. Hayes 1982, II, p. 309. (Back to text.)

31. No records of dates of student admissions to St Martin’s Lane Academy appear to have survived. Gainsborough was baptised 14 May 1727, so would have turned thirteen on 14 May 1740, the year in which he is usually said to have begun to study in London; e.g. Waterhouse 1958, ‘Chronology’, p. 8: ‘1740. He is sent to London by his father to study; he remains there until 1748.’ Bate Dudley, writing in the Morning Herald, 4 August 1788, two days after Gainsborough’s death, noted that ‘after painting several landscapes from the age of ten to twelve, he quitted Sudbury in his 13th year, and came to London’. This notice is fully quoted in Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting, vol. V (ed. F.W. Hilles and P.B. Daghlian), New Haven and London 1937, pp. 36–9. (Back to text.)

32. Roger Fry observed that ‘However plain and direct a statement Gainsborough makes, he can never make it in prose. Always there is just that heightening of the emotional pitch which makes it poetry’ (Reflections on British Painting, London 1934, p. 71). Fry was discussing Gainsborough’s paintings, but his comment is also applicable to Gainsborough’s letters. (Back to text.)

33. There are no surviving records for pupils at Sudbury Grammar School; W.W. Hodson gives an account of the school’s history in ‘Sudbury Grammar School’, Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and Natural History, VII, 1891 [or 1890 ?], pp. 312ff. and states (p. 318), ‘It was here that Thomas Gainsborough, the painter, received his education’ – quoting Fulcher 1856. (Back to text.)

34. Hayes 1982, II, p. 312, and see p. 345. (Back to text.)

35. Hayes 1982, I, p. 76. (Back to text.)

36. National Gallery Conservation Department records. (Back to text.)

37. Letter of 22 May 1788 to Thomas Harvey of Catton, near Norwich; Woodall 1961, no. 43, p. 91. For Thomas Harvey (1748–1819) and his collection, see Andrew Moore 1988 (cited in note 14), particularly pp. 26–30. (Back to text.)

38. See Foister et al. 1997, p. 4. (Back to text.)

39. Coll. Tate Gallery (N 01485), 22.2 × 17.9 cm; Hayes 1982, II, cat. no. 16 (as c. l746–7’), repr. p. 342. (Back to text.)

40. Hayes 1982, II, cat. no. 11, as Wooded Landscape with Herdsman seated on a Bank near a Pool, Cows and Distant Village, repr. p. 337 (then private collection). (Back to text.)

41. See Felicity Owen, ‘Early Influences on John Constable’, in ed. Hugh Belsey, From Gainsborough to Constable, exh. cat., Gainsborough’s House, Sudbury 1991, pp. 17ff. For Gainsborough’s influence on Constable, see also Hayes 1982, I, pp. 291–3. (Back to text.)

42. Farington, Diary, 25 February 1799, vol. IV, p. 1164. (Back to text.)

43. Constable to John Thomas Smith (1766–1833; from 1816, Keeper of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum), 18 August 1799; JCC, vol. II, p. 16. (Back to text.)

44. Ed. R.B. Beckett, John Constable’s Discourses, Ipswich 1970, p. 76, in Lecture IV of four lectures on the history of landscape painting given at the Royal Institution, May–June 1836; p. 67. (Back to text.)

45. Ibid. , p. 64. (Back to text.)

46. Discussed and reproduced in Moore 1988 (cited in note 14), cat. no. 92, p. 134, repr. p. 92. Stark’s dates are 1794–1859. (Back to text.)

47. Quoted by Moore 1988, p. 58. (Back to text.)

48. W. Bürger, Trésors d’art exposés à Manchester, Paris 1857, p. 394. (Back to text.)

49. Ibid. , p. 393. (Back to text.)

50. Reflections on British Painting, London 1934, p. 72. (Back to text.)

Abbreviations

BI
British Institution, London
bt
bought (usually in the saleroom)
NACF
National Art Collections Fund
NG
National Gallery, London
RA
Royal Academy of Arts, London; Royal Academician
V&A
Victoria and Albert Museum, London

List of archive references cited

  • London, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, Whitley Papers: Gainsborough scrapbook
  • London, Holborn Library: Rate Book for Hatton Garden, March 1748/9
  • London, Victoria & Albert Museum, Library: Press Cuttings from English Newspapers on Matters of Artistic Interest 1686–1835

List of references cited

Anon. 1839
Anon., History and Topography of AshbournAshbourn 1839
Beckett 1970
BeckettR.B., ed., John Constable’s DiscoursesIpswich 1970
Bürger 1857
BürgerW.Trésors d’art exposés à Manchester …Paris 1857
Butlin 1983
ButlinMartin, ‘review of Hayes 1982’, Burlington Magazine, April 1983, 233
Corri 1983
CorriAdrienne, ‘Gainsborough’s Early Career; new documents and two portraits’, Burlington Magazine, 1983, CXXV
Corri 1984
CorriAdrienneThe Search for GainsboroughLondon 1984
Davies 1946
DaviesMartinNational Gallery Catalogues: The British SchoolLondon 1946 (revised edn, London 1959)
Davies 1959
DaviesMartinNational Gallery Catalogues: The British School, revised edn, London 1959
Dorment 1986
DormentRichardBritish Painting in the Philadelphia Museum of Art from the Seventeenth through the Nineteenth CenturyLondon 1986
Dudley 1788
DudleyBate, ‘Mr Gainsborough’, Morning Herald, 12 March 1788, 3a
Farington 1978–98
FaringtonJosephThe Diary of Joseph Farington, eds Kenneth GarlickAngus Macintyre and Kathryn Caveindex compiled by Evelyn Newby (vols I–VI ed. Kenneth Garlick and Angus Macintyre; vols VII–XVI ed. Kathryn Cave), 16 volsNew Haven and London 1978–98
Fry 1934
FryRogerReflections on British PaintingLondon 1934
Fulcher 1856
FulcherGeorge WilliamsLife of Thomas Gainsborough, R.A.London 1856 (2nd revised edn, also dated 1856)
Gainsborough 1788
GainsboroughThomas, ‘Letter from Gainsborough to Henry Bate Dudley concerning his painting Cornard Wood’, The Morning Herald, 11 March 1788
Hayes 1970
HayesJohnThe Drawings of Thomas Gainsborough2 volsLondon 1970
Hayes 1975
HayesJohnGainsboroughLondon 1975
Hayes 1982
HayesJohnThe Landscape Paintings of Thomas Gainsborough (I: Critical Text; II: Catalogue Raisonné), 2 volsLondon 1982
JCC
BeckettR.B., ed., John Constable’s Correspondence6 volsIpswich, Suffolk Records Society, 1962–8
Mauritshuis and Tate 1971
Shock of Recognition (exh. cat. Mauritshuis, The Hague, and Tate Gallery, London), 1971
Moore 1988
MooreAndrew W.Dutch and Flemish Painting in Norfolk (exh. cat. Norfolk Museums Service), 1988
Morning Herald 1788
Morning Herald, 12 March 1788, 3a
National Art Collections Fund Review 1992
National Art Collections Fund Review 1992, 1992, 122–3
Ogden 1955
OgdenHenry V.S. and Margaret S. OgdenEnglish Taste in Landscape in the Seventeenth CenturyAnn Arbor 1955
Owen 1991
OwenFelicity, ‘Early Influences on John Constable’, in From Gainsborough to Constable. The Emergence of Naturalism in British Landscape Painting 1750–1810, ed. Hugh Belsey (exh. cat. Gainsborough’s House, Sudbury, and Leger Galleries, London 1991), Sudbury 1991, 15–30
Parris 1973
ParrisLeslieLandscape in Britain (exh. cat. Tate Gallery), London 1973
Potterton 1976
PottertonHomanReynolds and GainsboroughThemes and Painters in the National Gallery23London 1976
Sandon 1977
SandonEricSuffolk HousesWoodbridge 1977, 306–7
Sewell 1997
SewellBrian, ‘Review of the National Gallery’s Young Gainsborough exhibition of 1997’, Evening Standard, 6 February 1997, 28
Tyler 1993a
TylerDavid, ‘Thomas Gainsborough’s days in Hatton Garden’, Gainsborough's House Review, 1992–3, 27–32
Walford 1991
WalfordE. JohnJacob van RuisdaelNew Haven and London 1991
Walpole 1937
WalpoleHoraceAnecdotes of Painting, eds F.W. Hilles and P.B. DaghlianNew Haven and London 1937, V36–9
Waterhouse 1953
WaterhouseEllisPainting in Britain 1530–1790London 1953 (2nd edn, 1962)
Waterhouse 1958
WaterhouseEllis K.GainsboroughLondon 1958 (reprinted, 1966)
Whitley 1915
WhitleyWilliam T.Thomas GainsboroughLondon 1915
Woodall 1935
WoodallMary, ‘A Note on Gainsborough and Ruisdael’, Burlington Magazine, 1935, LXVI40–5
Woodall 1939
WoodallMaryGainsborough's Landscape DrawingsLondon 1939
Woodall 1961
WoodallMary, ed., The Letters of Thomas Gainsborough, 1961
Young Gainsborough 1997
FoisterSusanRica Jones and Olivier MeslayYoung Gainsborough (exh. cat. National Gallery, London, Castle Museum, Norwich, and Laing Art Gallery, Newcastle, 1997)
Young Ottley 1832
Young OttleyW.Descriptive Catalogue of the Pictures in the National Gallery, with Critical Remarks on their MeritsLondon 1832

List of exhibitions cited

Bury St Edmunds 1993
Bury St Edmunds, Manor House Museum, Suffolk Landscapes, 1993
The Hague and London 1971
The Hague, Mauritshuis; London, Tate Gallery, The Shock of Recognition, 1971, 1970–1
London 1790
London, Pall Mall, Boydell Shakespeare Gallery, 1790
London 1814
London, British Institution, Pictures by the late William Hogarth, Richard Wilson, Thomas Gainsborough, and J. Zoffani, Summer 1814
London 1843
London, British Institution, 1843
London, National Gallery, An Exhibition of Cleaned Pictures (1936–1947), 1947–8
London 1953-62
London, National Gallery, National Gallery Acquisitions, 1953–62
London 1973–4
London, Tate Gallery, Landscape in Britain circa 1750–1850, 20 November 1973–3 February 1974 (exh. cat.: Parris 1973)
London, Norwich and Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne 1997
London, National Gallery; Norwich, Castle Museum; Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne, Laing Art Gallery, Young Gainsborough, 1997
Manchester 1857
Manchester, Old Trafford, Exhibition Hall, Art Treasures of the United Kingdom Collected at Manchester in 1857, 5 May–17 October 1857
Arrangement of the Catalogue

This is a catalogue of the 61 works which represent the British School in the National Gallery now, at the beginning of 1998. The first Descriptive Catalogue of the Pictures in the National Gallery, with Critical Remarks on their Merits, by W. Young Ottley, was published in 1832 (earlier catalogues were hardly more than hand‐lists). The first scholarly catalogue devoted to the Gallery’s British pictures – National Gallery Catalogues: The British School – was compiled by Martin Davies (Director 1968–73). Its first edition in 1946 included 333 pictures. By 1959, when Davies published a revised edition (following large transfers of pictures upon the Tate’s separation in 1954 from the National Gallery in 1954), the number of British pictures in the National Gallery had been reduced to 99.

Martin Davies’s British School catalogue still stands as a model of concise record and meticulous (sometimes astringent) footnotes. This catalogue is chattier. I have tried to combine accurate information about the making and subsequent history of the pictures with more concern for their subject matter than Martin Davies allowed himself. Here I share to the full Neil MacGregor’s conviction that the public should have as much information as possible about their pictures. In a collection still dominated by portraits, much information about sitters (men, women and, in the largest portrait of all, a horse) is available; some of it may help to assess how far a portraitist has succeeded in reflecting [page 17]individual character. The background information offered here can, of course, be skipped, leaving the illustrations – or better still, the actual works – to speak for themselves.

All the works have been examined in the company of Martin Wyld, the Gallery’s Chief Restorer. He has compiled all the Technical Notes except for those on Hogarth’s Marriage A‐la‐Mode, which have been contributed by David Bomford. Many of these Technical Notes incorporate the results of detailed examination by Ashok Roy, Head of the Scientific Department, and by his colleagues Raymond White and Jennie Pilc. The bibliography of published work on the techniques and pigments used by artists during the period covered by this catalogue (pp. 432–5) has been compiled by Jo Kirby of the Gallery’s Scientific Department.

The catalogue is arranged in the two parts into which it fairly naturally falls. Part I catalogues the well‐known and deservedly popular works which are nearly always on view (except when lent to outside exhibitions). The artists represented in it are Constable, Gainsborough, Hogarth, Thomas Jones, Lawrence, Reynolds, Sargent, Stubbs, Turner, Wilson, Wright of Derby and Zoffany, arranged in alphabetical order, with their works (when more than one) in their known (or likely) chronological sequence. The time‐span of works by this small group of twelve artists is hardly more than 150 years, from Hogarth’s six paintings of Marriage A‐la‐Mode, of about 1742, to Sargent’s Lord Ribblesdale, dated 1902. In this part of the catalogue, movements of pictures to and from the Tate are briefly noted (below the heading Exhibited), such information being offered to reassure those who remember seeing, say, Wright of Derby’s An Experiment on a Bird in the Air Pump in the Tate rather than in the National Gallery (or recalling locations given in past literature) that their recollection was not at fault. Under this heading, movements for short periods usually indicate loans supplied by the Tate to fill gaps on the National Gallery walls when it lent pictures for exhibition elsewhere. ‘Tate 1960–1’, frequently noted, indicates the period of the Gallery’s winter exhibition National Gallery Acquisitions 1953–62 ; to make room for this exhibition, most of its British School pictures were accommodated and displayed in the Tate Gallery.

Part II catalogues the Gallery’s collection of portraits (including four marble busts) of those who played significant parts in the history of the National Gallery itself. Since it is in a sense a narrative (though an incomplete one) of the Gallery’s history, Part II is presented chronologically, according to the various sitters’ relationships to the National Gallery. Lawrence is the only artist to appear in both parts of this catalogue (his portrait of *Queen Charlotte appears in Part I, his two portraits of *John Julius Angerstein in Part II). In this group, Sir George Beaumont (grudgingly sitting to Hoppner, an artist he habitually denigrated) will be a familiar figure in the history of British art. Other Trustees and benefactors – preeminently, perhaps, Layard of Nineveh – will be better known outside the perspectives of the National Gallery, while two of its minor heroes – William Seguier, the Gallery’s first Keeper, and William Boxall RA , its second Director – may hardly be known at all.

Few portraits of National Gallery benefactors were ever transferred to the Tate; the only exceptions appear to be the transfer of the first version of Linnell’s portrait of Samuel Rogers (the National Gallery retaining a second version) and the transfer in 1949 of Hoppner’s portrait of Charles Long, Lord Farnborough, accepted by the National Gallery as a gift in 1934, but hung for a few months only, before being pronounced by Sir Kenneth Clark (Director, 1933–45) ‘not worth a place’. The National Gallery retains a finer image of Long in the form of Chantrey’s marble bust. Most of the works in Part II are hung in the Reception Area or the Reserve Collection.

All but one of the benefactors who figure in Part II have one thing in common: they bought pictures, but begat no heirs, and therefore chose to give or bequeath paintings to the National Gallery. The exception is the actor‐manager Thomas Denison Lewis, who in 1849 bequeathed not only *Mr Lewis as The Marquis in the Midnight Hour (Shee’s portrait of his famous actor‐father), but also £10,000 for future Gallery purchases. Prudently invested, the Lewis Fund enabled the purchase of many National Gallery pictures of all schools, including two much‐loved British pictures: the Heads of Six of Hogarth’s Servants and Gainsborough’s *Cornard Wood. The Hogarth was transferred to the Tate in 1960: thus, unknowingly, Lewis became a benefactor to both institutions.

Ann An Appendix includes provisional catalogue entries for *Portrait of a Lady, painted by Cornelius Johnson (or Jonson van Ceulen) after his return to Holland, and *On the Delaware, by the wholly American painter George Inness. Both were included in Martin Davies’s British School catalogue, but since they do not properly belong to the British School, they will eventually be included in more appropriate Schools catalogues.

About this version

Version 3, generated from files JE_2000__16.xml dated 20/02/2025 and database__16.xml dated 28/02/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Entries for NG472 and NG479 prepared for publication; biography of Turner and entries for NG130, NG472, NG479, NG681, NG925, NG1162, NG3044, NG6196-NG6197 and NG6544 proofread following mark-up and corrected.

Cite this entry

Permalink (this version)
https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVA-000B-0000-0000
Permalink (latest version)
https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DTH-000B-0000-0000
Chicago style
Egerton, Judy. “NG 925, Cornard Wood, near Sudbury, Suffolk”. 2000, online version 3, February 28, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVA-000B-0000-0000.
Harvard style
Egerton, Judy (2000) NG 925, Cornard Wood, near Sudbury, Suffolk. Online version 3, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVA-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 29 March 2025).
MHRA style
Egerton, Judy, NG 925, Cornard Wood, near Sudbury, Suffolk (National Gallery, 2000; online version 3, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVA-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 29 March 2025]