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A Concert:
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Entry details

Full title
A Concert
Artist
Lorenzo Costa
Inventory number
NG2486
Author
Giorgia Mancini and Sir Nicholas Penny

Catalogue entry

, , 2016

Extracted from:
Giorgia Mancini and Nicholas Penny, The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings, Volume III: Bologna and Ferrara (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2018).

© The National Gallery, London

c. 1488–90

Oil on wood, 96.8 × 77.6 cm

Support

The panel is composed of two boards, probably poplar, with the grain vertical to the picture. The join runs vertically down the centre of the composition, through the lute player’s face. The panel has a slight serpentine warp and its thickness varies from 1.5 to 1.8 cm. The painted surface measures approximately 95.3 × 76.2 cm and is surrounded by an unpainted border, which may have been broader because the edges of the panel are likely to have been slightly trimmed.

On the back of the panel the join has been reinforced with two butterfly insets. These are not original. Two horizontal battens were formerly attached but were removed in 1954.

An inscription in ink on the back, probably dating from the nineteenth century, reads: ‘Scuola Ferrarese capo d’opera di Ercole Grandi’.

Materials and technique

The panel has a ground of gesso (calcium sulphate) bound in glue, over which there is a thin, off‐white priming consisting mainly of colourless powdered glass and some lead white.1 The slightly raised edges of the gesso ground, a little inside the edges of the panel, indicate that it was prepared and painted in conjunction with an engaged frame.

Infrared reflectography clearly reveals a simple outline drawing for the composition but no hatching or other indications of volume or the fall of light. The lines the artist chose to draw, and their constrained and somewhat stylised character, strongly suggest that the underdrawing is based on a transferred design, probably a tracing. The underdrawing that is visible in the infrared image was made in a liquid medium. The short, broken lines have sometimes pooled or beaded, in some places creating a somewhat spotty effect that has been misinterpreted as evidence of pouncing. This effect is probably caused by the underdrawing being on top of the priming.

Although the paint layers generally follow the underdrawing quite closely, small changes were made in many areas during painting. The most significant of these can be found in the head of the female figure (fig. 1), which was originally turned slightly more towards the lute player, with the tip of her nose and the corner of her mouth drawn further to the right and her eyes directed towards him. A veil covered her forehead and hung down over her right shoulder. The fine net drawn tightly over the back of her head had a different pattern, with a broad decorated border, and there were also bands passing over her head, from front to back. Small changes were also made to her hands and her clothing. Both X‐radiography and infrared reflectography show that the man on the right was at first painted with a slightly different kind of costume, which had an upper garment that had a higher collar and was more open at the neck, revealing a triangle of white shirt. The recorder has more of a mouthpiece in the underdrawing and the headpiece of the rebec was also drawn larger. The blade of the small knife in the sheath attached to the belt of the central singing figure is also visible.

The paint medium has been identified as linseed oil in the purple sleeve of the figure on the right and in the greenish parapet, and walnut oil in the yellow highlights on the sleeve of the woman and in the black background.2

The flesh is painted with a mixture of lead white, lead‐tin yellow, vermilion and red lake, with black pigment added to the shadows. The purplish‐blue coat of the lute player contains azurite and red lake, applied on a brownish underlayer which, since it contains very little lead white, would probably have dried slowly, causing the drying cracks in the paint above. The red doublet is painted with red lake and finely dispersed vermilion in the darker areas, with the addition of some lead‐tin yellow in the lighter areas. The black laces of the doublet have highlights in yellow and white, perhaps indicating metal threads.

Fig. 1

Infrared reflectogram detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

Fig. 2

Infrared reflectogram detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

[page 55] [page 56]
Fig. 3

Photomicrograph of the edge of the woman’s dress, showing knot‐pattern embroidery. © The National Gallery, London

Fig. 4

Photomicrograph of the woman’s cloth of gold sleeve. © The National Gallery, London

Verdigris mixed with some lead white, lead‐tin yellow and a little black was used for the green dress of the woman on the left. The knot pattern embroidered on the front of the bodice of the dress (fig. 3), composed of vermilion, black and lead white, is redder than the gold threads on the sleeve and the gold collar and brooch, and is therefore possibly intended to represent copper thread. The dull purple paint of the underdress is composed of red lake, lead white and black, with no blue pigment. The cloth of gold sleeves have a brownish‐red base colour (composed of red earth, vermilion, lead‐tin yellow, black, lead white), with a damask pattern painted with red lake. The highlights of the gold thread are painted with lead‐tin yellow (fig. 4).3

The plum‐coloured coat of the singer on the right is painted with a mixture composed mainly of red lake with some lead white, a little azurite and vermilion, and colourless powdered glass.4 It has a dark underlayer (coal black, a little red lake, vermilion, lead‐tin yellow, lead white and colourless powdered glass),5 which appears, from the infrared reflectograms, to be modelled according to the light and shade of the drapery. The green of the garment under the coat is painted with a mixture of verdigris and lead‐tin yellow.

The marble parapet is composed of two layers of paint, a paler brownish underpaint (lead white, red lake and a brownish pigment) and a greenish upper layer containing lead white, very large particles of verdigris, and a little red lake and lead‐tin yellow. The browner shadows of the lute contain lead‐tin yellow and large particles of red lake. The strings of the lute, where they pass over the neck (but not over the main body of the instrument), have been ruled and incised into the wet paint. The X‐radiograph shows that the rebec and recorder were painted over the parapet, although they were not afterthoughts since they were included in the underdrawing. Incisions in the paint indicate that at least a preliminary layer for the parapet was painted before the books. The books were also indicated in the underdrawing, although this is less visible (one line below the bottom edge of the lower book seems to be part of the underdrawing, but was not followed).

The black background was painted with coal black mixed with some verdigris and colourless powdered glass.6

Conservation

In 1930 the panel was treated for woodworm. As noted above, two battens were removed from the back of the panel in 1954. The paint has a history of flaking, for which it has been treated several times. The panel was treated and the painting was cleaned and restored in 1980–1.

Condition

The painting is in good condition, apart from some damage at the edges and small losses, notably in the cheek and nose of the central figure and in the woman’s hair and right hand. Extensive drying cracks are visible in the black paint of the background, in the purplish blue coat of the central figure, and in the woman’s purple underdress. This is best explained by variations in the rates at which the different levels of paint dried. The areas containing lead‐tin yellow – the flesh tones, the green draperies, the stone parapet, the lute, and the gold threads in the woman’s sleeve – have a lumpy texture caused by the formation of large agglomerations of lead soap (fig. 4). The woman’s fine black necklace is somewhat worn.

Subject

The subject was admirably described by Jacopo Alessandro Calvi in 1780, when the painting, generally known ‘La Musica’, was in the Hercolani collection in Bologna:7 [page 57] In the centre we see a young man of pleasing countenance with an open mouth which shows how he is loosening up his voice to the measure of a song, touching as he does so a stringed instrument, while a pretty woman, gracefully attired, leaning with her hand on the shoulder of the aforementioned youth, is also singing; on the other side, albeit slightly behind, another spirited young man who accompanies them may be seen, and these figures are only half‐length. In front of them is placed a parapet, scattered upon which may be seen some books with musical notations and some instruments.8

The central and foremost figure, the young man who is singing and playing a lute, wears a purplish blue coat over a red doublet, which is open at the chest and arms to reveal a white chemise. A leather sheath in the shape of a purse, from which the hilt of a small, short knife projects, is attached to his belt. As noted above, in infrared images the blade is visible.

To the man’s right is a young woman, who rests her left hand on his shoulder and her right on the parapet. She is also singing, and the fingers of both her hands appear to keep time with the music. She wears a green dress, pleated in the front of the skirt and open at the bodice to reveal a purple undergarment. A fine white chemise, just visible at the neckline, escapes (by design) at the shoulders of the dress, where the gold damask sleeves are attached with very fine laces. Also attached to the dress is a gold collar. This is studded with pearls, which surround circular motifs enclosing quatrefoils that contain red, blue and green prong‐set stones. Across the opening of the bodice, the collar becomes a sort of chain consisting of four narrower plaques of gold, identically ornamented. At the centre of this chain there is an oval brooch with a single pendant pearl (fig. 5). The young woman also wears a fine black necklace. The back of her head is covered by a fine net trinzale, with a pattern of small white quatrefoils, which is held in place by a lenza across her forehead. Her face is framed by her long hair, which is drawn down over her ears but with some loose locks falling over her shoulders – an arrangement that would be hard to contrive unless the hair were tied under the chin, as it sometimes was in north Italy at this date, to judge from other paintings, most famously in Leonardo da Vinci’s Lady with an Ermine.

The man to the right and somewhat behind is also singing (fig. 6); his left hand, which rests on the parapet, also appears to keep time with the music. He wears a plum‐coloured coat over a green damask doublet, which is visible at cuff and collar. The doublet is unlaced at the collar, exposing a white chemise. White fur or feathers are visible above his left shoulder, presumably the ornament of a hat or the lining of a cloak, and this hat or cloak must be attached to the band that passes over his chest, which he seems to hold with his right hand.9

On the right of the parapet, an open manuscript part‐book is placed on top of a closed book (fig. 7). On the parapet in front of the woman there is a rebec, slightly projecting over the edge, with a bow lying across it and, on top of this, a recorder. The musical instrument being played by the man in the centre may seem to be unusual in shape on account of its foreshortening, but it corresponds in size to the teardrop‐shaped, five‐course lute of the late fifteenth century; its strings, the position of the frets and the decorative rosette are very carefully painted. Less attention was given to the other instruments and to the musical notation. The way the singers are tapping the ledge to mark the time may indicate that the song is a rather complicated one, perhaps a polyphonic madrigal or a frottola.10 Early frottole were three‐part compositions for soprano, tenor and bass accompanied by a lute. When an alto line was added, it was suitable for instruments such as the rebec, here depicted on the ledge.

Fig. 5

Detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

We recognise immediately that all three figures are singing, and the beauty of the music is also suggested by their expressions, for which reason Costa avoids the distortion that the open mouths and raised brows of a singer can impart to a handsome face. Luca della Robbia (1400–1482) had first achieved this half a century earlier in his marble cantoria in the Duomo in Florence, and several painters had emulated him in their depictions of angels singing.11 Costa himself depicted such musical angels elsewhere (see p. 98).

This picture seems to be the earliest example of a secular genre that was to develop in north Italy, especially in Venice, in the early sixteenth century, reflecting the popularity, among the educated and the affluent, of singing from a book (cantare a libro).12 Two other examples of this type of painting dating from the sixteenth century are to be found in the National Gallery (NG 2903 [fig. 8] and NG 3). Such paintings may show two to six or more figures, but usually three or four, and in many cases the central figure plays a stringed instrument – as is the case in NG 2486. Singing is also frequent, as are [page 58] sheets of music and part‐books. And it is not uncommon for the musicians to be represented performing with a ledge in front of them.13 Although such paintings are now generally given the title of ‘Concert’, it should be noted that in the sixteenth century they were not so described.14 As there is no audience either present or implied, the performance depicted need not be considered as a public one.15 The genre, which can be said to have been invented by Costa with this painting, continued to flourish in the seventeenth century, especially in the work of Dutch followers of Caravaggio, notably Baburen (1595–1624), Honthorst (1592–1656; fig. 9) and ter Brugghen (1588–1629). Two fine examples by the latter are in the National Gallery (NG 6347 and NG 6483).

Fig. 6

Detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

It has been proposed that Costa represents an actual event, perhaps even a family performance of the kind recorded in contemporary correspondence.16 In a well‐known letter addressed to Isabella d’Este in 1491, Captain Galeazzo da Sanseverino (1458–1525) reported how he had sung with the Duchess Beatrice d’Este (1475–1497) and the court fool Diodato ‘more than twenty‐five songs well suited for three voices, that is, Diodato the tenor’, the captain ‘sometimes the bass and sometimes the soprano, and the duchess the soprano’.17 In a letter of 1495 Duke Ercole I d’Este wrote about the ‘great pleasure’ he took in hearing his son Sigismondo and ‘Don Julio, and in singing together with them’.18 Another example of musical activity at court is found in a letter of 1499, which records that Ercole’s sister, Isabella d’Este, known to be an excellent singer, was training to perform with her brother Alfonso on the ‘viola’ during his wedding celebrations.19 Such documents certainly indicate that Costa’s painting depicts something that was familiar and delightful to his patrons, but this hardly means that it records a specific occasion.

Nevertheless, the sharp particularity of style that distinguishes Costa’s painting from later examples of the genre has suggested to some scholars that this is a group portrait. In support of this view, there is also Vasari’s claim that Costa painted, in the Palazzo di S. Sebastiano at Mantua, ‘the Marquess Isabella, portrayed from life, together with many ladies who sing accompanied by various sounds, making a sweet harmony’.20 And there is also a painting by Costa of the Bentivoglio family (fig. 11), inscribed as a group portrait, which has stimulated speculation concerning the possible identities of the figures represented in NG 2486 (for which see the Appendix below).

One eminent musicologist has suggested that, since the instruments other than the lute are inexactly rendered, and the manuscript part‐book on the ledge is barely legible and shows ‘an arrangement of notational forms that make no coherent musical sense’, it is likely that the painting is primarily (but not only) intended as a symbolic representation of Harmony and Concord rather than a representation of actual practice.21 One problem in discussing the subject of this painting may be a general imprecision in the use of the terms ‘symbol’ and ‘allegory’. A scene of music‐making can of course illustrate or stand for Music, just as a scene of figures ice‐skating can represent Winter, and such pictures are sometimes called allegories or symbolic pictures although the action represented is naturalistic. Even if there are minor deviations from the plausible, for example in aspects of the dress, and an occasional imprecision, for instance in the musical notation, Costa has attended carefully to the idiosyncracies of contemporary fashion and to the gestures [page 59] which are natural to affectionate absorption, which would be less likely had his figures been personifications and their interaction merely illustrations of an idea.

Fig. 7

Detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

Fig. 8

Venetian, A Concert, mid‐1520s. Oil on canvas, transferred from wood, 90.8 × 122.2 cm. London, The National Gallery (NG 2903). © The National Gallery, London

Fig. 9

Gerrit van Hontorst, The Procuress, 1625. Oil on panel, 71 × 104 cm. Utrecht, Centraal Museum. © Centraal Museum, Utrecht/Tom Haartsen

Function

The studioli of noble families in the Renaissance, such as those in the palaces of the Montefeltro at Urbino and Gubbio, or that of Isabella d’Este at Mantua, were often decorated with intarsia panels depicting musical instruments (p. 24, fig. 10).22 It has been suggested that NG 2486 may have been part of a set of paintings depicting musical instruments, or representing the sister arts, such as would have suited a room of this sort, dedicated to the pursuit of cultivated and intimate leisure.23 Some special explanation is certainly required for a work of such originality.

Musicians with instruments feature in the frescoed ceiling of the Sala del Tesoro in the Palazzo Costabili (called Palazzo di Ludovico il Moro), painted by Garofalo in the first decade of the sixteenth century.24 In 1545 Niccolò dell’Abate (1512–1571) painted for the ceiling of the Camerino dell’Eneide in the Rocca Boiardo at Scandiano (now in the Galleria Estense, Modena) 13 figures, usually identified as members of the Boiardo family, playing different instruments.25 Both of these paintings reflect the common pratice, in secular as well as ecclesiastical settings, of performing music from a high gallery. It may be that Costa’s concert was also placed high up, for it is of a size that could have served as an overdoor in a small room, as indeed later works in this genre certainly did in the seventeenth century; yet the vanishing‐point is not low, as it usually (but not invariably) is in such paintings.

Attribution and dating

Towards the end of the eighteenth century, when it was in the Hercolani collection, NG 2486 was attributed to ‘Ercole Grandi’.26 This was the usual way to refer to the artist who is now generally known as Ercole Roberti and NG 2486 was indeed a key work in the estimate of this artist’s achievment achievement .27 Luigi Crespi, in the earliest‐known reference to the painting, commended the artist’s remarkable ability to represent feelings, as well as the precision of his drawing.28 In a footnote to the Vite dei pittori ferraresi by Girolamo Baruffaldi (1675–1755), Giuseppe Boschini assigned the painting to Ercole, identifying the lute player as a self‐portrait of the artist.29 This attribution was rejected by Fritz von Harck, who in 1884 was the first to ascribe the work to Costa.30 It is striking, however, that Calvi in 1780 described it as in a ‘stile simile a quello del Costa’.31 Giovanni Morelli was undecided between Ercole Roberti and Costa, but Adolfo Venturi preferred Ercole.32 In 1894 the picture was displayed as a work by Ercole (Benson’s attribution) at the Burlington House exhibition of Ferrarese painting.33 Although in 1907 Bernard Berenson proposed that it might be by Lorenzo Costa, most scholars during the first decades of the twentieth century accepted the attribution to Ercole.34

The attribution to Costa began to prevail after 1934, when it was supported by Roberto Longhi, who assigned to the painting a date of around 1490, noting the stylistic similarities to Costa’s Bentivoglio Altarpiece (p. 51, fig. 1).35 Mario Salmi suggested in 1960 that the painting was a collaborative work of Roberti and Costa (especially the two singers and the ‘badly painted hands’).36 It is now generally agreed to be by Costa.

The Concert may have been painted in the years between the Bentivoglio Altarpiece (1488) and the Rossi Altarpiece (1492).

Previous owners

The painting is first recorded in the collection of Marchese Filippo Hercolani in Bologna, in an inventory compiled by Luigi Crespi in 1774.37 (For a full account of this collection see pp. 466–72.) In 1780 Jacopo Alessandro Calvi described it in his account of the same collection (from which we quote in the section devoted to the subject above).38 The Hercolani sold the picture for 20 scudi on 23 April 1836, as noted in an inventory drawn up in the same year.39 The names of the persons who purchased paintings from them are registered in the Libro mastro of 1836. No sale is recorded under 23 [page 60]April, but the entries dated 26 and 28 April reveal that some paintings were sold to ‘Filippo Pasini Ferrarese’.40 It is most likely that these included NG 2486 as, in 1844, Giuseppe Boschini mentions the picture as being in the hands of ‘Signor Pasini in Roma … già in Bologna nella galleria Hercolani’.41 The art dealer Filippo Pasini (1792–1854) was a friend of the painter Antonio Boldini (father of the more famous Giovanni), whose copies of Ferrarese old masters he sold in his shop in Rome.42

Fig. 10

Detail of NG 2486. © The National Gallery, London

In a letter written to Wornum on 11 May 1863, Eastlake rejected an Ercole Grandi belonging to Otto Mündler (1811–1870).43 The possibility that the painting was the Concert is suggested by the fact that George Salting, in one of his notebooks, indicates that the picture had belonged to Mündler.44 Salting purchased the ‘Concert by Ercole Grandi’ on 7 March 1877 for £600 from Raffaelle Pinti (1826–1881), a restorer and importer of Italian paintings.45 The picture was lent by Salting to the National Gallery in 1903 and was later included in his bequest of 1910.

Provenance

See above. Hercolani collection, Bologna, by 1774. Sold in 1836 to Filippo Pasini. Probably with Otto Mündler by 1863. Acquired by Raffaelle Pinti and sold in 1877 to George Salting, by whom bequeathed to the National Gallery in 1910.

The painting was given, probably in the first half of the twentieth century, a carved and gilded Italian cassetta frame probably dating from the early seventeenth century. It was of reverse pattern, with a bold scrolling leaf on the higher inside moulding. This was replaced in April 2012 with another gilded reverse cassetta frame of the later sixteenth or early seventeenth century supplied by Rolo Whateley. The flat is decorated with a running vine defined by a punched background.

Appendix
Portraits in Costa’s Concert

Various hypotheses about the identity of the musicians depicted in NG 2486 have been proposed. In 1894 Robert H. Benson seems to have been the first to suggest that the sitters might be members of the Bentivoglio family, noting the resemblance between the female musician and one of the Bentivoglio daughters in the altarpiece Costa painted in 1488 for the family’s chapel (p. 51, fig. 1).46 Benson’s idea has been revived recently by Katherine Wallace, on the basis of comparisons with portraits of the Bentivoglio, including the group portrait in the Thyssen‐Bornemisza collection (fig. 11).47 This canvas by Costa is considered by many scholars to be related to NG 2486 in date and conception. [page 61]It is, however, an additive composition, without a plausible setting or relationship either in space or in pyschology such as we find in NG 2486. The picture bears inscriptions dating it to 1493 and identifiying the singers with members of the Bentivoglio family and other individuals, including the artist himself (on the lower left) and Bonaparte dalle Tovaglie, the maestro di cappella of the cathedral of S. Pietro in Bologna.48

It has been suggested that three of the Bentivoglio siblings supposedly depicted in the Thyssen painting – the central figure, the woman in the upper left and the young man beside her (Ermete, Bianca and Anton Galeazzo, according to the inscriptions) – resemble the musicians in NG 2486.49 However, the Thyssen canvas does not seem to be of much use for the identification of the sitters of our picture. Perhaps because of its condition, most of the members of the Bentivoglio family who are supposed to be represented here do not resemble other representations of them. For instance, the figure identified by the inscription as Anton Galeazzo is rather different from his portrait in the Adoration of the Infant Christ with Saints formerly in the church of S. Maria della Misericordia, Bologna (now in the local Pinacoteca Nazionale), painted by Francia around 1498–9.50 The features of the shepherd on the far right of this altarpiece suggest that he might be a portrait, perhaps of Alessandro Bentivoglio (1474–1532).51 It is tempting to propose that he might be the very person depicted to the right in NG 2486. Arguments could be advanced in favour of other identifications with members of the Bentivoglio family but it is often the style of hair that is more distinctive than physiognomy in suggesting a connection. The ragged fringe of the lute‐player in NG 2486 is also found in a man, very likely a portrait, painted by Costa in 1490 in the lower right corner of the Triumph of Death in the Bentivoglio chapel (S. Giacomo Maggiore, Bologna)52 and, although the same person may be represented in both cases, it is also clear that this was a style of hair that was briefly fashionable in Bologna (p. 18, fig. 4 and NG 2487, p. 155).

Fig. 11

Lorenzo Costa, Musical Group inscribed as Portraits of the Bentivoglio, 1493. Tempera and oil on canvas, 105 × 82 cm. Thyssen‐Bornemisza Collection on loan to Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona. © Museo Thyssen‐Bornemisza/Scala, Florence

Notes

1 The materials in the ground and the priming were identified by EDX analysis in the SEM. The thin priming was visible with a stereomicroscope in some places at the edge of the painting and in two of the cross‐sections. The colourless powdered glass is of the soda‐lime type that was commonly used in Italy. See Spring 2012 for a compositional analysis of the glass and a discussion of its possible function. (Back to text.)

2 See Higgitt and White 2005, pp. 89–104, esp. p. 101. (Back to text.)

3 The gold thread on the sleeve depicted in yellow paint has a lumpy appearance caused by the extensive formation of lead soap agglomerates, identified by FTIR . See Higgitt, Spring and Saunders 2003, pp. 75–95. (Back to text.)

4 The red lake was shown to contain kermes dyestuff by HPLC analysis. See report dated 10 Aug. 2001 by J. Kirby in the Scientific Department file. Azurite was not visible in the cross‐section from this area because so little was present, but could be seen with a stereomicroscope on the surface of the painting. (Back to text.)

5 The coal black was identified by EDX analysis on the basis of its high sulphur content (in addition to carbon). Calcium carbonate, commonly found in conjunction with coal, was also detected in the paint. See Spring, Grout and White 2003 for a survey of this and related black pigments in the sixteenth century. (Back to text.)

6 For coal black see the previous note. The calcium carbonate and small amounts of red iron oxide detected in this paint by FTIR and EDX are almost certainly a component of the coal. The verdigris was probably added as a drying agent; numerous examples of this practice can be found in other paintings. The colourless powdered glass may have been included for the same reason; see Spring 2012, for a discussion of its possible function. (Back to text.)

7 Calvi 1780, no. 32. In an eighteenth‐century inventory of the Hercolani collection the picture is described as ‘un quadro in asse rappresenta la musica’, BCABo , ‘Note di pitture esistenti’, MS B 384, III, fol. 10r (further below, at fol. 20r, it is listed as ‘La Musica’). (Back to text.)

8 ‘Vedesi quivi figurato nel mezzo un Giovine di bell’aspetto il quale, toccando uno strumento da corde, mostra con l’aperta bocca di sciogliere ad un tempo la voce al canto, mentre una leggiadra Femmina, vagamente vestita, appoggiando la mano [page 62] sulla spalla di detto Giovine, canta ancor’essa; dall’opposta parte, e alquanto più addietro si scorge altro vivace Garzone, che lor fa compagnia, e queste sono soltanto mezze figure. Nell’avanti poi è locato un piedistallo sul quale si mirano sparsi alcuni libri di note musicali, ed alcuni strumenti.’ (Back to text.)

9 Wallace (2008, p. 56) identifies these garments with the purple cassock and ermine‐trimmed cloak ‘usually worn by Apostolic Protonotaries’. (Back to text.)

10 On frottole see Prizer 1975. (Back to text.)

11 For Della Robbia see Pope‐Hennessy 1980, esp. pls 6, 7, 14–19. Among paintings with singing angels, those in Piero della Francesca’s Nativity (NG 908) and in the altarpiece with the Virgin and Child enthroned by Zanobi Macchiavelli (NG 586.1) are noteworthy. The singing maidens and lutenist painted in Palazzo Schifanoia in 1469 are especially relevant for Costa. See Natale 2007, pp. 436–9, nos 134 and 135 (entry by Sassu). (Back to text.)

13 Egan 1961, p. 189. (Back to text.)

14 For instance, the inventory of the palace of Gabriele Vendramin (1567–9) lists ‘a picture by Giorgione from Castelfranco with three big heads singing’ (‘un quadro de man de Zorzon de Castelfranco con tre testoni che canta’), Hochmann, Lauber and Mason 2008, p. 373. A similar example from the seventeenth century is the painting (NG 3) then believed to be ‘by the hand of Titian’, of ‘men singing music’ listed in the Palazzo Ducale at Mantua in the 1626–7 inventory of Ferdinando IV Gonzaga (‘Doi quadri sopra le porte uno dipintovi homini che cantano di musica mezze figure con cornice fregiata d’oro di mano di titiano’). See Penny 2008, p. 302. On paintings of this genre listed in inventories as ‘una musica’ see ibid. , p. 298 and p. 303 note 7. (Back to text.)

15 Egan 1961, p. 184. (Back to text.)

16 This is an idea of Brown (1966, p. 81) but it is rejected by Wallace (2008, p. 66). (Back to text.)

17 ‘Questa matina, che è venerdì, la Duchesa cum tute le sue done et io in compagnia siamo montati a cavalo … et siamo andati a Cuxago; et per avixare bene la Signoria Vostra de tuti li piaceri nostri, la advixo che prima per la via me bixogna montare in careta insiema cum la Duchesa et Dioda, et qui cantasemo piu de XXV canzone molto bene acordate a tre voce, cioe Dioda tenore, et io quando contrabaso et quando soverano, et la Duchessa soverano’, letter of 11 Feb. 1491. ASMN , Archivio Gonzaga, 1630, fols 2–3. Partially published by Luzio and Renier 1890, p. 108. (Back to text.)

18 Lockwood 1972, pp. 111–13. (Back to text.)

19 Prizer 1982, p. 104. (Back to text.)

20 ‘Andato poi Lorenzo [Costa] al servigio del signor Francesco Gonzaga marchese di Mantova, gli dipinse nel palazzo di San Sebastiano, in una camera lavorata parte a guazzo e parte a olio, molte storie. In una è la marchesa Isabella ritratta di naturale, che ha seco molte signore che con varii suoni cantando fanno una dolce armonia.’ Vasari 1966–87 edn, III, p. 416. (Back to text.)

21 See Fenlon 1994, also Prohaska 2000, p. 76. Iain Fenlon, to whom we are most grateful for further discussion, considers that the painting may be an illustration of the humanist belief that music operates through the upper senses, via the ear (audible sounds), the eyes (musical notation and diagrams) and touch (performance). (Back to text.)

22 On studioli see Liebenwein 1977. On the musical elements in the decoration of studioli see Guidobaldi 1997. (Back to text.)

24 Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, pp. 80–1, no. 13. (Back to text.)

25 See Mancini in Béguin and Piccinini 2005, pp. 263–5. (Back to text.)

26 Calvi 1780, pp. 32–3; Malvasia 1782, p. 286; Malvasia 1792, p. 314; Oretti, BCABo MS B 104, unnumbered page, [Casa Ercolani in Strada Maggiore]: ‘Giovani che suonano vi è una frettina d’Ercole da Ferrara’, p. 135 [Casa Ercolani Senatoria dalli Servi]: ‘Alcuni giovani che cantano in compagnia d’una femmina alto palmi 4 once 3 largo palmi 3 once 5 in tavola di Ercole Grandi di Ferrara’. (Back to text.)

27 For the identity of Ercole see Manca 1992, pp. 22–3; for the attribution of this painting see ibid. , pp. 177–8, cat. no. R.21. (Back to text.)

28 ‘Ercole Grandi ferrarese … fa qui vedere in una tavola quanto fosse espressivo negli affetti, e quanto esatto nel disegno, in tre mezze figure, che cantano e suonano di naturale grandezza’, BCABo , ‘Descrizione di molti quadri’, MS B 384, II, fol. 12v. (Back to text.)

29 Boschini in Baruffaldi 1844–6, I, p. 144, note 1. (Back to text.)

30 Von Harck 1884, p. 126. Salting, knowing of his view, amended his note of the artist’s name in his small marbled notebook under 1883 (NG Archive, 9 [2]). (Back to text.)

31 Calvi 1780, p. 32. (Back to text.)

32 Venturi 1889, p. 359; Venturi 1914, VII, part III, p. 694; Morelli 1892–3, II, p. 137. (Back to text.)

33 Benson 1894, no. 14, mentioning the attribution to Costa by Harck and Frizzoni, with a date around 1488. (Back to text.)

34 Berenson 1907, p. 203; Phillips 1910, p. 15 (Roberti); Gardner 1911, p. 59; Filippini 1933, p. 13 (Roberti); Gamba 1933, p. 12 (Roberti); Vasari 1912, p. 63 (Flemish master); Cook 1915, p. 103 (Baldassarre d’Este). (Back to text.)

35 Longhi (1934) 1956, p. 54; Longhi 1940, p. 143; Gould 1962 (Sixteenth‐Century Italian Schools), pp. 44–5; Romani in Ballarin 1994–5, I, p. 187. See Negro and Roio 2001, p. 87, for further references. (Back to text.)

36 Salmi 1960, pp. 42–3. (Back to text.)

38 Calvi 1780, no. 32. (Back to text.)

39 BCABo , ‘Inventario dei Quadri nella Galleria Hercolani’, MS B 4601, fol. 3v, published by Ghelfi 2009, p. 433, ‘Tre mezze figure in atto di suonare e di cantare, tavola di Ercole Grandi di Ferrara’. The painting was valued at 10 scudi by Ercole Petroni in 1828, and 25 scudi by Giuseppe Guizzardi in 1836. (Back to text.)

40 APHBo , Libro Mastro 1836, fol. 522 ‘li 26 dal detto [aprile] … da due quadri scudi 50 e da n.72 quadretti scarti scudi 46 venduti a Filippo Pasini Ferrarese, bolletta n. 30 scudi 96, 28 aprile da n. 6 quadri venduti a Filippo Pasini bolletta n. 37 scudi 104’, published by Ghelfi 2009, p. 463. (Back to text.)

41 Boschini in Baruffaldi 1844–6, I, p. 144. (Back to text.)

42 Borgogelli 1999, p. 9. On Pasini see Gardner 2011, IV, pp. 30–1. (Back to text.)

43 NG Archive, NG 5/152/3: ‘Mündler’s Van Eyck will not do. Nor his Ercole Grandi (which I had seen before).’ (Back to text.)

44 NG Archive, 9 (2), small marbled notebook, with the price of £600 and valuations of £750 and £1,000, and 9 (1), the black notebook, p. 3, as ‘formerly in the collection of Herr. O. Mündler’. (Back to text.)

45 Penny 2004, p. 389; Guildhall Library, MS 19.473.2 (receipted bills). On Salting generally see ibid. , pp. 387–90. On Pinti, who restored many paintings for the National Gallery (1858–71), and for Austen Henry Layard, see Brambilla Ranise 2007, pp. 17–19, 21–7, and http://www.npg.org.uk/research/programmes/directory-of-british-picture-restorers.php (Back to text.)

46 Benson 1894, no. 14; this was repeated by Cook 1915, p. 103. Emilio Negro and Nicosetta Roio (2001, pp. 29, 87) follow Boschini’s opinion that the central figure is a self portrait of the artist. (Back to text.)

47 Wallace 2008. Wallace seems not to have been aware that this theory had first been proposed by Benson. (Back to text.)

48 See Forscher Weiss 1988, pp. 90–3. (Back to text.)

49 Wallace 2008, p. 55. The inscription referring to the central figure reads ‘Monsignore Bentivogli’, most likely Anton Galeazzo. This character has also been identified as Ascanio Bentivoglio (a canon and the illegitimate son of Giovanni II Bentivoglio), or Sigismondo Bentivoglio, a minor cleric. See Von Hadeln 1934, pp. 338–40. At the time of the inscribed date, 1493, Ermete was only 11 years old, and the central figure in the Thyssen‐Bornemisza picture appears to be an adult. Only a later dating of both paintings, around 1499–1505, would resolve this inconsistency, as suggested by Wallace (2008, p. 59). However, this hypothesis seems unlikely, as NG 2486 is probably dated around 1490. (Back to text.)

50 The realism of this portrait in the Adoration is recorded by Vasari 1966–87 edn, III, p. 584. Lucco (in Brown and Ferino‐Pagden 2006, no. 20, p. 126) wrongly identifies Anton Galeazzo with the shepherd. (Back to text.)

52 This figure has been identified with Anton Galeazzo Bentivoglio (see Wallace 2008, p. 62) and with Costa himself (Negro and Roio 2001, p. 29), but without conclusive arguments. (Back to text.)

Appendix of Collectors’ Biographies

Marc’Antonio and Filippo Hercolani

The Hercolani family came from Faenza, but after 1429, when Nicolò, a successful jurist, was made a citizen of Bologna, a branch of the family was established in that city. Soon thereafter, members of the family were appointed anziani, the chief magistrates of the city council. By the early sixteenth century the Hercolani had become one of the most eminent Bolognese families, and in 1528 Pope Clement VII created Vincenzo Hercolani Count of Rivazze. Vincenzo served as console, gonfaloniere and ambassador for the city, and was made a senator by Pope Julius III.1

Vasari recorded in the 1550 edition of his Lives a ‘quadretto di figure piccole’ by Raphael ‘in casa il Conte Vincenzio Arcolani’,2 and in about 1560 what must be the same painting, now clearly identifiable as Raphael’s Vision of Ezekiel (fig. 12),3 was recorded in the ‘casa del Conto Augustino Orcolano’, that is, in the residence of Vincenzo’s brother Agostino, together with Correggio’s Noli me tangere.4 By the end of the century Agostino, or his heirs, doubtless to obtain or sustain political favour, had given the first of these two small masterpieces of modern art to the Grand Duke of Tuscany (it was in the Tribuna of the Uffizi by 15895 and is today in Palazzo Pitti) and had sold or given the second (now in the Prado) to the papal nephew Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini (in whose possession it is recorded in 1598).6

Malvasia was later to claim that the Hercolani family accounts showed that in 1510 Raphael had sent the Vision of Ezekiel from Rome to Count Vincenzo in Bologna, who paid Raphael eight gold ducats for it. Since Malvasia even names the bank through which the transaction was made, he is surely to be trusted (although the date cannot be correct for either commission or completion).7 Correggio must have studied Raphael’s ‘quadretto’ intensely; indeed, no work of art that he was to see on his visit to Rome had so great an influence on him as this small panel that had reached his native Emilia. The fact that the Hercolani also possessed a painting by Correggio suggests, moreover, that Vincenzo encouraged Correggio to study this work. It is hard to think of a better example of how central the history of collecting is to the history of art.

It is inconceivable that a family who owned a Raphael and a Correggio had no other connections with artists, so it comes as no surprise to discover that ‘Augustinus Herculanus’ was close enough to the painter Prospero Fontana (1512–1597) to stand godfather at the baptism of his daughter Lavinia (1552–1614) on 24 August 1552 in the cathedral of Bologna.8 Portraits by Lavinia were later recorded in the family’s possession and Lavinia’s Noli me tangere in the Uffizi, dated 1581, was directly inspired by the Correggio of the same subject in her godfather’s possession.9

The next significant evidence of the artistic interests of the Hercolani dates from 1640, when Count Astorre commissioned a David and Bathsheba from Guercino, and 1642, when his son Count Marc’Antonio acquired a group of paintings from Guido Reni’s studio.10 An idea of the family’s collection at the close of the seventeenth century may be obtained from three scrappy lists of pictures, recently discovered in the Hercolani family archive and published by Barbara Ghelfi. The first of these was compiled with valuations supplied by the painters Giovanni Giuseppe dal Sole (1654–1719) and Innocenzo Monti (1653–1710) and is dated 1692. It records 28 paintings (together with an unnumbered ‘massa di quadri di Roma’)11 and provides more information about subject matter and framing than it does about attribution: ‘un Buffone che mangia faggioli con cornice dorata … Due marine con cornice a tartaruga e filetto d’oro … Un quadro di frutti con cornice dorata … Un santo vescovo con cornice bianca’, for example. But at the head of the list and highly valued are two paintings identified as by Guido Reni: large and important late works painted for Marc’Antonio Hercolani12 in 1640–2, at the end of the artist’s life – the Flagellation (now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale, Bologna, then valued at 1,500 lire) and Psyche enraptured with the Sleeping Cupid (untraced, valued at 750 lire).13

Another list of ‘Quadri di Pitture’ dates from the following year and records 41 paintings in a property at Medesano, near Parma, none attributed, few even with the subject identified. Fourteen of them are described as overdoors (‘sopra usci’) and six of them as having been placed above windows.14 A third list, made in 1694, which records 90 pictures (together with five mirrors), is divided into five sections, presumably corresponding to a series of rooms in the family palace in Bologna.15 Here too there are few attributions, but included in the third section is a painting of ‘tre angiolini’ that is said to have come from the ‘stanza di Guido’, and a ‘quadro abozato dal Signor Guidi dipintovi Abello e Caino’ and two paintings (perhaps the same one, accidentally listed twice) by Tiarini (1577–1688), ‘anci [formerly thought to be] di Guido’. In this same part of the inventory there is a ‘quadro d’altare con la B.V. che rapresenta il Bambino a S. Francesco con Angioli senza cornice’ that corresponds to another late work by Guido, Saint Francis venerating the Virgin and Child, now in the Pinacoteca of Bologna.16

The valuations in the earliest of these lists were made on behalf of the ‘most illustrious’ ‘Signor Conte Filippo’ and ‘Signor Conte Astorre’, who were evidently dividing their inheritance. The elder of these brothers, Filippo (1663–1722), had fled Bologna in 1687, when he was condemned to death for murder. He was pardoned and allowed to return in 1692 and eventually became a counsellor of the Emperor Leopoldo I and in 1699 was made a prince of the Holy Roman Empire and Marchese di Blumberg.17 The lists of 1692, 1693 and 1694 may not, however, provide a complete record of the family’s paintings: they do not include one of the most famous – the Bathsheba for which Guercino (1591–1666) was paid 1,500 lire on 23 August 1640 by Count Astorre Hercolani – which is recorded in later accounts of the Hercolani collection.18 But, if the lists are at least representative, it seems to have been a modern and a local collection, largely of Bolognese paintings made earlier in the seventeenth century: in addition to Guido and Guercino, Francesco Gessi (1588–1649), Alessandro Tiarini and Giovanni Battista Bolognini (1611– [page 467] 1668) are among the very few names provided.19 Like other Bolognese collections of that period, it was very rich in paintings of fruit and flowers, with a mixture of sacred and profane subjects, and of large and small works. Prince Filippo was not, however, without interest in modern artists active outside Bologna and when serving as Imperial Ambassador in Venice he acquired 15 allegorical pictures by Antonio Pellegrino (1645–1741).20 He also gave the Guido of Cain and Abel to Prince Eugene of Savoy.21

Fig. 12

Raphael, Vision of Ezekiel, 1510. Oil on wood, 40 × 30 cm. Florence, Galleria Palatina, Palazzo Pitti. © Photo Scala, Florence/courtesy of the Ministerio Beni e Att. Culturali

Prince Filippo’s nephew, Marchese Marc’Antonio (1709–1772), made, through a network of agents, many additions to the family’s collection, taking special advantage of the opportunities provided by church renovations. By the 1740s he had acquired a number of important altarpieces of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries from confraternities and churches in Romagna, especially in the provinces of Faenza and Cesena,22 including works by Bertucci and Costa catalogued here. The great altarpiece made in 1500 by Francesco Francia, the Calcina Altarpiece, came to him by inheritance in 1750 from the Lanci family in Rome.23

Marc’Antonio’s son Filippo (1736–1810) was a poet and a considerable patron of literature who was also active in the civic life of Bologna (elected to the Senate in 1775 and two years later appointed gonfaloniere).24 He further extended the family’s collection, with particular attention to work by artists (including obscure ones) who had featured in Felsina Pittrice, the biographies of Bolognese painters compiled by Malvasia and published in 1678. Filippo may have been animated by antiquarian campanilismo but he also shared in the cosmopolitan curiosity of the Enlightenment, corresponding with Giovanni Ludovico Bianconi (1717–1781), the mentor and friend of Winckelmann, a physician, diplomat and artistic advisor at the court of August III, Elector of Saxony, who in 1753 negotiated the acquisition of Raphael’s ‘Sistine Madonna’ for the Elector’s gallery in Dresden. Bianconi’s account of the Dresden gallery, the Scritti Tedeschi of 1763, was addressed to Hercolani in Bologna and to Francesco Algarotti (1712–1764) in Venice.25 Filippo dreamt of creating a public collection of altarpieces by Raphael, Guido and Francia in those years.26

Filippo took a great deal of pleasure in hunting for pictures, as emerges from a letter sent in 1766 to his friend Count Camillo Zampieri: ‘The life I led in Faenza in the few days I was there made for a lively comedy. I was there incognito and everyone believed I was a picture dealer. I made some purchases and am pursuing some others. I ask you not to reveal what I have been up to because if it were known I might be the object of considerable ill feeling. The next time I have the pleasure of meeting you I shall tell you what happened with some nuns who did not want to sell me certain pictures, which I eventually bought. You must have a bad opinion of me, after I turned from poet to painter. I laugh when I look at myself.’27

A recently discovered album of drawings records the display of 88 paintings, with the names of the artists and the subjects written within simplified renderings of their frames (figs 13, 14). They were distributed through seven rooms and a chapel on the garden side of Palazzo Hercolani.28 The collection was especially strong in work by sixteenth‐century Romagnole artists (Bertucci, Palmezzano, Innocenzo da Imola, Bartolomeo Ramenghi) and by Bolognese (Bartolomeo Cesi, Lavinia Fontana, Guido Reni, Elisabetta Sirani and Guercino) but there were also some [page 468] Venetian and Tuscan paintings as well as a series of the Senses by Ribera. The paintings recorded in the album correspond closely, but not exactly, to those in the manuscript catalogue commissioned from Luigi Crespi on the occasion of the marriage of Filippo Hercolani in 1774.

Fig. 13

Rough wall plan of the seventh room of the gallery of the Palazzo Hercolani in Bologna showing two from the set of paintings illustrating the Senses by Ribera below two from the set by Michele Desubleo, on either side of a mirror. © Private Collection, Bologna

Fig. 14

Similar plan of the altar wall of the oratory attached to the gallery, including three main parts of an altarpiece by Bertucci. NG 282 is the central panel above the altar. Images first published in Vincenti 2005/6. © Private Collection, Bologna

Luigi Crespi (1705–1779), elder son of the more famous Giuseppe Maria Crespi (1665–1747), was an accomplished painter who was also active as a dealer and art historian with a keen interest in all aspects of Bolognese painting.29 He published a supplement to Malvasia in 1769. What made the collection unique, he claimed in his introduction to the catalogue, was the presence of old altarpieces – the ‘cose antiche, e per la maggior parte grandiose’30 – by which alone a local school of painting could be assessed. We take for granted today our ability to study the chronological sequence of such altarpieces, which are to be found in most Italian municipal museums, but in the mid‐eighteenth century the only other collection in Italy to include a significant group of such paintings was that of the Grand Duke of Tuscany.

The association of Crespi and Filippo Hercolani illustrates especially well the close and reciprocal relationship between artists, collectors and historians at that date. It was a relationship further developed by Crespi’s successor, the painter and poet Jacopo Alessandro Calvi, known as ‘il sordino’ (1740–1815), who six years later (and after the death of Crespi) celebrated the Hercolani collection in his Versie prose, dedicated to Hercolani’s old friend the ‘nobile ed erudito’ Bianconi, and consisting of 50 sonnets, each accompanied by a succinct and informative prose description of the relevant painting.31 The local connoisseur Marcello Oretti (1714–1787) also listed the collection’s major works in his survey of Bolognese palaces of about 1780.32

Calvi was a passionate admirer of Francia and Costa. He made Francia’s ‘superbissima’ Calcina Altarpiece of 1500 – perfect in its preservation and with ‘corretta simplicita di disegno’ – the subject of his first sonnet, and Costa’s polyptych of 1505 (catalogued here on pp. 96–107), which he believed to surpass all other work by the artist with its exquisite palette – ‘così lucido, forte, e vago’ – the subject of his second. His book was arranged for the most part in chronological order, culminating with Samson by Domenico Viani (1668–1712), but with portraits treated in a separate section at the end.33

The historical range of the Hercolani collection was considerable. It included, for example, the Virgin and Child with Angels by Giovanni Francesco da Rimini dated 1461, which had been purchased for the Abate Alessandro Branchetti (NG 2118).34 But many other ‘primitives’ joined the collection following the marriage in 1798 of Filippo’s only son, Prince Astorre (1779–1828), with Maria, daughter and co‐heiress of Senatore Marchese Piriteo Malvezzi Lupari (1734–1806).35 Fortunately, there was room for these paintings in the magnificently renovated and extended family palace in the city’s Strada Maggiore, which had been commissioned in 1793 from Angelo Venturoli (1749–1821).36 The palace was adorned with allegorical and mythological sculptures in stucco by Giacomo De’ Maria (1787–1838) (fig. 16), with reliefs of the labours of Hercules below the fresco of the apotheosis of that hero by Filippo Pedrini (1753–1856) in the staircase hall. A dozen leading artists and craftsmen from Bologna were employed, including several specialists in quadratura – the painting of fictive architecture – which had been a Bolognese speciality for more than a century.37 This is the most notable instance known to us of the family’s patronage of contemporary artists. It must be one of the last great palaces in Italy to be decorated in what might be termed the hyperbolic dynastic style established two hundred years earlier. Lavish decorations continued to be supplied for two decades, among them the frescoes executed in 1810 and later by Rodolfo Fantuzzi (1781–1832). These testify to the family’s continuing prosperity, as does Venturoli’s imposing mausoleum in the new Napoleonic cemetery of the city, which is dominated by Cincinnato Baruzzi’s (1796–1878) colossal bust of Filippo below a coffered dome (fig. 15).

Filippo and Astorre gave their support to Napoleon’s viceroy, Eugène Beauharnais (and Astorre’s son Alfonso married Lucien Bonaparte’s stepdaughter, Anna). In 1810, when Calvi published a biography of Guercino together with a transcript of his account book (which Filippo had bought from the artist’s family in 1772) – a remarkably precocious step in the historiography of art – it was not only dedicated to the ‘Sacra Maestà di Napoleone il Grande’ (whose name on the title page appears in a type size which is slightly larger than that of the artist) but prefaced by Filippo’s ecstatic [page 469]and hyperbolic verses in honour of the Emperor, describing him as a demigod dear to both Mars and Minerva, under whom the glories of antiquity had been reborn with ‘novi Apelli, e novi Omeri’.38

A detailed inventory of the paintings was made on 10 July 1828, after Astorre’s death, which, taken together with Petronio Bassani’s detailed guide of 1816, supplies a complete idea of the Hercolani picture gallery.39 There were 48 portraits in the entrance hall (‘Sala d’Ingresso’), which was frescoed with Apollo and the Muses by Giambattista Frulli (1765–1837). There followed two smaller rooms, one decorated ‘alla cinese’, with Chinese furniture and ceramics. These gave on to the ‘Gran Galleria’ or ‘Gran Sala’, where the vault was painted by Pedrini, again featuring Apollo, this time accompanied by the Hours. In 1828 there were 76 pictures in this room, including almost all the old altarpieces and some of the older items from the Malvezzi Lupari collection, among them works by ‘Autori Greci’ (meaning Byzantine or Byzantinising icons). Most of the paintings here were religious in subject, but also present were Costa’s Concert (see pp. 54–62) – ‘Alcuni Giovani che suonano, e cantano in compagna d’una femmina … di Ercole da Ferrara’ (‘some young men playing and singing together with a woman … by Ercole da Ferrara’) – and a Venus attributed to Mantegna.

Three camere followed, all with frescoed vaults: the first of these rooms contained 22 seventeenth‐century paintings and most of the 30 paintings in the next and the 16 in the last were of the same category. Elsewhere in the palace apartments there were about 160 other paintings, including a series of self portraits by Bolognese artists.40

By far the most highly valued work was Francia’s Calcina Altarpiece, which has already been mentioned. It was displayed in the last room of the gallery separately from the other great altarpieces and was valued at 1,500 scudi – five times more than the next two most highly valued works – which testifies to the extraordinary increase in the esteem for this artist around this date. Only six paintings were valued at more than 100 scudi, and two of these were sold a year after the inventory of 1828 to Ludwig I, King of Bavaria, who was buying prodigally for his great new Pinakothek designed by Leo von Klenze: the Virgin and Child in Glory with Saints and Donor by Innocenzo da Imola (about 1490–about 1550) and the Virgin and Child enthroned with Saints by Marco Palmezzano.41 Although the family had been spared obvious recriminations under the Austrians after Waterloo, they may already have found themselves in financial difficulties and in 1835–6 the picture gallery was converted into a splendid shop.

Fig. 15

The portrait bust of Prince Filippo Hercolani in the family mausoleum, Cimitero Municipale di Bologna. © Photo NBP

Fig. 16

Four of the 30 stucco allegorical statues in the courtyard and staircase hall of Palazzo Hercolani, Bologna. © Photo NBP

Together with the works of art, the Hercolani were also ready to sell their collection of books and manuscripts, which was of exceptional value for the history of Bologna, especially its artistic history. The collection included Guercino’s account book, already mentioned; manuscripts by Marcello Oretti, Luigi Crespi and Carlo Cesare Malvasia; and eight thousand letters, mostly by notable Bolognese citizens, dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Most of these items were in fact acquired by the Comune of Bologna in 1872 and are now in the Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio.42

An inventory recently acquired by the latter library documents the state of the Hercolani paintings collection in 1836 and the first stages of its dispersal.43 It records the valuations made in 1828 and those by the painter and restorer Giuseppe Guizzardi (for whom see p. 196 here) on 4 May 1836 (in most cases twice as high).44 The document also includes the date of sale and frequently the selling price of many pictures. Between 24 March and 19 September 1836 about a hundred paintings were sold.45 A catalogue of the remaining 128 paintings for sale was printed in 1837, compiled anonymously by Gaetano Giordani, ispettore of the pinacoteca of the Accademia di Belle Arti, Bologna.46 The Calcina Altarpiece, together with an altarpiece by Palmezzano, had been sold to the Nicholas I, Emperor of Russia, in 1843.47

In September 1861, when Charles Eastlake visited the Palazzo Hercolani, there were ‘few paintings remaining’, relative at least to the numbers known to have been there once, and to the size of the gallery. He described in detail a Madonna by Lippo di Dalmasio (1352–about 1410), not then for sale but ‘on account of its genuineness and antiquity of course eligible’, and in 1866 Eastlake’s successor William [page 470] Boxall acquired it for the National Gallery (NG 752) from the local historian and archivist of the Commune of Bologna Michelangelo Gualandi. Eastlake was also impressed by a ‘Mantegnesque Crucifixion … the M[ary]’s expression of grief very unpleasant like Vivarini … landscape and clouds Mantegnesque like the Beaucousin Mantegna’.48 This was the great early Crucifixion now widely agreed to be by Giovanni Bellini. In the same year, Eastlake’s friend the young Italian art historian Giovanni Battista Cavalcaselle defined it as ‘tra Mantegna e Vivarini’.49 Eastlake made a note of a ‘curious early work’ then attributed to Tommaso Garelli (active around 1450–70) and to Jacopo di Paolo (about 1345–about 1430) (now given to Michele di Matteo, active 1447–1469) representing the Dream of the Original Sin, with a sleeping Virgin Mary, and, beside her, Adam and Eve eating the apple.50 Like Lanzi before him, he noticed that the ‘supposed Franco Bolognese’ had a false signature and date (1312), and that the ‘style of the picture where not restored is about 1400’.51 Such inscriptions had probably been devised in an attempt to validate the existence of the imaginary painters mentioned by Malvasia in his Felsina[page 471]Pittrice as evidence of the primacy of the Bolognese school over the Tuscan. All of these paintings had been part of the Malvezzi Lupari collection, which seems always to have retained a distinct identity within the Palazzo Hercolani and was not at first for sale.

Fig. 17

Family tree of the Hercolani. Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

In 1867 many pictures from the Hercolani and Malvezzi collections were shipped to Paris, to be sold at auction. The great composer Gioacchino Rossini, then living in Paris, had loaned 140,000 lire to Astorre Hercolani around 1850 when he was working as director of Bologna’s Liceo Musicale. Shortly before the sale at the Hôtel Drouot on 7 February 1868 he accepted, as repayment, 38 paintings and a marble bust of Napoleon, thus saving a significant portion of the collection for Italy.52 Rossini died on 13 November of that year and his widow, Olimpia Pellissier, who retained a life interest in his property, died in 1878. The 39 works ­– among them the Bellini and other early paintings that had interested Eastlake – were acquired as part of Rossini’s estate by his native city of Pesaro and were eventually placed in the Pinacoteca Civica.53

The Hercolani collection included paintings that are now in public collections but have not so far been mentioned: Half‐length Portrait of a Warrior by Lavinia Fontana (National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin);54Portrait of a seated Woman by Lavinia Fontana (Walters Art Museum, Baltimore);55 the Gnetti Altarpiece (Virgin and Child in Glory with Saints Helena and Agnes and Members of the Gnetti Family) by Lavinia Fontana (Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseilles);56The Virgin and Three Saints adoring the Christ Child by Francesco and Bernardino Zaganelli (National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin);57Adoration of the Child with Saints and Donors (Ragnoli Altarpiece) by Biagio d’Antonio (Philbrook Museum of Art, Tulsa, Oklahoma);58Portrait of Pope Pius V by Bartolomeo Passerotti (Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, Maryland); The Risen Christ by Simone Cantarini (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston);59Adoration of the Magi and Adoration of the Shepherds by Gaspare Diziani (Wesleyan College, Macon, Georgia);60Portrait of a Young Man by Francesco Napoletano (Nelson‐Atkins Museum, Kansas City);61Lamentation over the Dead Christ by Palma il Giovane (Seattle Art Museum);62 and the Triumph of Bacchus by a Ferrarese imitator of Titian (Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay).63

The paintings in the National Gallery from this source include four works catalogued here: Giovanni Battista Bertucci’s Virgin and Child in Glory (NG 282, pp. 40–7)64 and the Incredulity of Saint Thomas (NG 1051, pp. 34–9), Lorenzo Costa’s Concert (NG 2486, pp. 54–62) and Virgin and Child with Saints (NG629.1–5, pp. 96–107). Giovanni Francesco da Rimini’s Virgin and Child with Two Angels (NG 2118)65 and, as mentioned above, Lippo di Dalmasio’s Madonna of Humility (NG 752)66 also came from the Hercolani collection.

It seems worth observing that the collection must have done much to stimulate an international interest in the secondary artists working in Emilia and Romagna that has now largely faded. The great altarpieces purchased for a high price by the Emperor of Russia and the King of Bavaria are no longer highly regarded; indeed, they are almost forgotten. In the mid‐nineteenth century the Roman Catholic cathedral of Saint Mary, Middlesborough, was pleased to accept an altarpiece of the Virgin and Child with Saint Peter and Saint Gregory the Great by Girolamo da Cotignola, dated 1528. In 1988 the Diocese was no doubt equally pleased to dispose of it at Christie’s.67

In recent decades scholars have devoted much attention to the Hercolani collection but more remains to be discovered, especially in the family’s private archives, which are said to occupy 240 metres of shelving.68 Other major collections were formed with a focus on a local school: those formed in the eighteenth century by Manfrin in Venice69 and Giovanni Battista Biffi in Cremona70 or, in the nineteenth, by Costabili in Ferrara and Bernasconi in Verona;71 but the origins of the Hercolani collection are earlier and more complex. Indeed, there are few great Italian family collections that incorporate the interests of so many different family members. It is not clear what remains with the family today. The great family palace was sold in 1973 and is now occupied by the Political Science faculty of Bologna University.

NOTES

1. On the Hercolani see Dolfi 1670, pp. 288–93. (Back to text.)

2. Vasari 1986 edn, II, p. 627. (Back to text.)

3. For the Vision of Ezekiel see Padovani in Emiliani and Scaglietti Kelescian 2008, p. 184. There was a copy in the Hercolani collection (inventory of 1828, no. 1627), perhaps made when it was donated. (Back to text.)

4. Shearman 2003, II, pp. 1089–90, citing the Graticola di Bologna by Pietro Lamo, a pupil of Innocenzo da Imola. (Back to text.)

5. Shearman 2003, II, p. 1362. (Back to text.)

6. Testa 2001, p. 41 and p. 54, note 23. (Back to text.)

7. Malvasia 1841 edn, I, p. 47. (Back to text.)

8. Cantaro 1989, pp. 5 and 302. (Back to text.)

9. Uffizi no.1383 (inv. of 1890); Cantaro 1989, pp. 101–3, no. 4a.29. (Back to text.)

10. Perini Folesani 2013, p. 115. Two of the paintings by Guido, the Flagellation and the Psyche, had been commissioned (see Spike 1988). See also Bianchi 2014, p. 263. (Back to text.)

11. Ghelfi 2009, pp. 465–6. (Back to text.)

12. Whether he wished to complement his father’s Guercinos or to compete is not known. (Back to text.)

13. Calvi (1780) notes that the Cupid and Psyche ‘pare uno scherzo’ (p. 54) and in the 1828 inventory of the Palazzo Hercolani it is a ‘bozzo’ – hence, perhaps, the lower valuation. It may already have served as an altarpiece and thus have been displayed separately from the main collection. (Back to text.)

14. Ghelfi 2009, pp. 469. (Back to text.)

15. Ibid. , pp. 466–9. We are including a few prints and drawings as well as a family tree (very likely on vellum), a shield and a map – also ‘tele imprimite’ (presumably, prepared canvases) – as pictures. (Back to text.)

16. It was designed to serve as an altarpiece, which would explain the absence of a frame, and thus have been displayed separately from the main collection, which would also explain why it is not included in some later accounts of the collection, for example that by Calvi (1780). (Back to text.)

18. Calvi 1808, pp. 66–7. The painting has recently been identified by Stephan Loire in Schloss Birlinghoven, Cologne (Loire 2011). For the paintings in the eighteenth century see Bianchi 2014, p. 263. A portrait by ‘Signor Giovanni Francesco’ (surely Guercino) is included as item 12 in the second section of the 1694 list. (Back to text.)

19. A copy after Bassano is recorded. We cannot identify the ‘Monsu Guglielmo’ to whom a ‘quadro d’animali’ is attributed. Only two paintings, a family portrait ‘con lettera in mano’ and a Saint Jerome, are described as ‘antico’. (Back to text.)

20. Bianchi 2013, pp. 90–1 and 106 and Bianchi 2014, p. 265 and pp. 272–3, note 40. The paintings have not been traced. (Back to text.)

21. Bianchi 2013, p. 105 and Bianchi 2014, p. 265. (Back to text.)

22. See Ghelfi 2009, p. 408 note 10, rightly questioning whether the purchases in Romagna can simply be explained by the Faentine origins of the family. (Back to text.)

23. Negro and Roio 1998, pp. 149–50, no. 18. The provenance is curious: Alfonso, Marc’Antonio’s grandfather, had married Maria Lanci, to whom it had descended from the Ludovisi (Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi had removed the painting to Rome, placing a copy of it in the church). (Back to text.)

24. On this Filippo Hercolani see DBI , 61, 2004 (entry by Fagioli Vercellone). (Back to text.)

[page 472]

25. Bianconi 1998 edn. Bianconi’s Lettere al marchese Filippo Hercolani (on Germany and its customs) was also published in 1763, in Lucca. (Back to text.)

26. Letter from Hercolani to Ludovico Bianconi discussed by Vincenti 2006, p. 210. (Back to text.)

27. ‘La vita che io condussi a Faenza quei pochi giorni ch’io ci fui, fu una viva commedia. Mi ci vissi in incognito, e creduto da tutti mercante da quadri. Feci qualche acquisto, e sono attorno a qualche altro. La prego di non palesare a nessuno questa mia intenzione, poichè l’esser scoperto mi potrebbe dar molto pregiudizio. La prima volta che avrò il piacere di riverirla le racconterò un casetto [?] che mi successe con certe monache per quadri, ch’esse non volevano vendere, e che io comprai. Che cattivo pronostico farà Ella di me, che di poeta sono fatto pittore. Io rido al solo guardarmi.’ BCABo , MS B 220, fol. 50, published by Vincenti 2007, p. 209. (Back to text.)

28. Vincenti (2007), who proposes (pp. 211, 213) that one of its compilers was the painter Jacopo Alessandro Calvi. (Back to text.)

30. This important text has yet to be published. See Ghelfi 2009, pp. 408–9, for this passage. There is a fair copy of the MS in the Hercolani archive in addition to the one published by Ghelfi. See Perini Folesani 2013, p. 114. (Back to text.)

32. BCABo , MS B 104, M. Oretti, Le Pitture che si ammirano nelli Palaggi, e case de’ Nobili della città di Bologna …, I, pp. i–iv; II, pp. 59–65; II, pp. 135–8. Oretti also listed the paintings exhibited by the Hercolani in the church of S. Caterina Maggiore in 1759, BCABo , MS B 105, p. 5, transcribed by Bonfait 1990, II, pp. 13–14. He specifies the artists of the first six altarpieces (Bronzino, Francia, Innocenzo da Imola) and the artists of the Bolognese paintings from the seventeenth centuries, but is not able to identify the artists of other sixteenth‐century or earlier works. The Hercolani collection was also described by Bianconi (1782), pp. 286–7. (Back to text.)

33. These occupy pp. 88–106. He puts a view‐painting and some miniature still‐life paintings immediately before them and after the entry for the Viani on p. 82. (Back to text.)

34. Tartuferi and Tormen 2014, pp. 204–5, no. 18 (entry by Valerio Mosso). (Back to text.)

35. It is not clear when the Malvezzi Lupari paintings entered Palazzo Hercolani but doubtless after the death of Maria’s father, Marchese Piriteo IV, in 1806 and certainly before Bassani’s guide of 1816. The collection is said to have been formed in the seventeenth century (Previtali 1989, p. 229 notes 4 and 5); Tartuferi and Tormen 2014, pp. 181–2 (essay by Barbara Ghelfi). (Back to text.)

36. The same architect made major modifications to the Villa Hercolani at Belpoggio in 1786. Girolamo Bianconi (1820, p. 299) noted that the great staircase followed a design by Carlo Bianconi, who was the brother of Giovanni Ludovico Bianconi. (Back to text.)

37. The specialists in quadratura were Davide Zannotti, Serafino Barozzi, and Flaminio Minozzi. (Back to text.)

38. Calvi 1808, p. x. (Back to text.)

39. The inventory of 1828 is in ASBo , Fondo 4.9.10. Notarile Angelo Michele Felicori, v. 76. A transcript is in the Provenance Index of the Getty Research Institute, Inventory 1037. It is impressive that Martin Davies knew about this inventory, since scholars writing on the Hercolani today do not mention it. Bassani 1816, pp. 205–17, is partly reprinted in Giardini 1992, pp. 123–6. (Back to text.)

40. Busts were also listed, including one of Guercino, said to have been modelled by Algardi. (Back to text.)

41. Neither is mentioned in modern catalogues of the Alte Pinakothek but see Dillis 1839, pp. 139 and 150, nos 545 and 583. The Alte Pinakothek, as it came to be known, opened to the public in 1836. The Innocenzo da Imola was, together with Guercino’s Bathsheba, valued at 300 guineas in 1828. (Back to text.)

42. Giordani MS 1828. See also Giardini 1992, p. 18 (quoting Valéry’s Voyages (1831–3), 1835: ‘la bibliothèque est aujourd‐hui à peu près vendue’). See Ghelfi 2009, p. 417. (Back to text.)

44. Ercole Petroni, member of the Pontificia Accademia di Belle Arti, made the valuations in 1828. (Back to text.)

45. The information provided by this inventory can be collated with data contained in the family account book for that year, which records the names of the buyers and the selling prices. APHBo , Libro Mastro 1836, fols 522–6, cited by Ghelfi (2009, p. 416, note 33). (Back to text.)

46. [Giordani] [1837]. A manuscript version dated 1836 is BCABo MS B 1813. (Back to text.)

47. Kustodieva 2011, p. 199, no. 95. It is recorded in the Hermitage from 1859 (no. 2226, now 53). Negro and Roio 1998, pp. 149–50, no. 18. (Back to text.)

48. Eastlake 2011, I, pp. 566–7 (MS notebooks 1861 [1], fols 13v–13r). The Beaucousin painting referred to is the Noli me tangere by an imitator of Mantegna (NG 639), purchased by Eastlake for the National Gallery in 1860 and therefore fresh in his mind. (Back to text.)

49. Giardini 1992, pp. 58–60, no. 14; see also the illustration on p. 22 of a page in Cavalcaselle’s taccuino, no. 5 in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice. (Back to text.)

50. Ibid. , pp. 47–9, no. 10. (Back to text.)

51. Eastlake as cited in note 48. The name ‘Franco Bolognese’ and the date 1312 are still visible on the Madonna Kotroceni in Bucharest, a work by the fifteenth‐century artist Michele di Matteo, cf. Lanzi 1975 1795 –6, III, pp. 5–6. (Back to text.)

52. Lugt 1938–87, no. 30,207. There were 62 lots (sixty paintings, one print, one sculpture). The deal with Rossini was presumably made before the sale but after the catalogue had been printed. It was confirmed on 14 April. For an account of Rossini’s relations with the family see Giardini 1992, p. 19 and pp. 27–8, notes 32 and 33. For the ‘eredità Rossini’ see Giardini 1992, passim. In the following year the Hercolani were selling their ceramics (Schreiber 1911, II, p. 9). (Back to text.)

53. For the Hercolani paintings now in Pesaro see Giardini 1992 and Benati and Medica 2002. (Back to text.)

54. On loan to the Irish Embassy in the Hague, inv. 460; Cantaro 1989, pp. 186–7, no. 4a.84. (Back to text.)

55. Inv. 37; ibid. , pp. 181–2, no. 4a.80. (Back to text.)

56. Ibid. , pp. 192–3, no. 4a.87. (Back to text.)

57. See De Marchi in Paolucci, Prati and Tumidei 2005, pp. 282–3, no. 37. The altarpiece was discovered in the convent of S. Francesco in Imola around 1774 by Luigi Crespi, who claimed that he donated the main panel to the Hercolani and the lunette with the Dead Christ supported by Two Angels to Cardinal Alessandro Albani (now in the Albani Torlonia collection, Rome). However, it seems likely that Crespi was paid for these ‘donations’. The main panel was sold by the Hercolani on 26 April 1836 as Cotignola. In 1912 Cavalcaselle saw it in the Van Cyuck collection in Paris. (Back to text.)

58. The Ragnoli Altarpiece was originally in the church of S. Michele in Faenza. The lunette, depicting Saint Michael dividing the Souls, was in the Campana collection, Rome, in 1858 and is now in the Musée du Petit Palais, Avignon. (Back to text.)

59. This is not certain but it seems likely to be the Resurrection by Cantarini that was exhibited by the Hercolani family in 1812 in the portico of S. Maria dei Servi, Bologna. Another painting of the same subject by Cantarini is recorded by Oretti in Casa Isolani in Piazza Santo Stefano, Bologna. (Back to text.)

60. Invs K1040 and K1041. (Back to text.)

61. Inv. 61.63. (Back to text.)

62. Inv. 61.163. (Back to text.)

63. For this picture see pp. 141 and 145, note 27. It came from the Lanci to the Hercolani in 1750 and was sold in 1836. The provenance was traced by Finocchi Ghersi and Pavanello (2000), also by Ghelfi in Scrigni di Memorie, 2007. (Back to text.)

64. The Saint John the Evangelist belonging to the same altarpiece, now in Houston, was acquired by Count Cini (Rome), by whom sold to Lord Aldenham (London) in 1846. (Back to text.)

65. George Salting by 1905, by whom presented in 1907. (Back to text.)

66. The Malvezzi collection, Bologna, in 1773 (and presumably by 1678); subsequently in the Hercolani collection, Bologna, by 1816 and until at least 1861; bought from Michelangelo Gualandi, 1866. (Back to text.)

67. 8 July, lot 68. With the Walpole Gallery 1991. It had been acquired by Solly and was in his sale at Christie’s, 8 May 1847, lot 29. (Back to text.)

69. For Manfrin see Penny 2004, pp. 209–10 and Borean and Mason 2009, pp. 193–216 (essay by Borean). (Back to text.)

70. Penny 2004, pp. 361–2. (Back to text.)

71. For Costabili see pp. 462–6 here. For Cesare Bernasconi, hon. curator (and chief donor) of the Museo Civico, Verona, see Mündler 1985, pp. 170–1. (Back to text.)


Abbreviations

Institutions
APHBo
Archivio Privato Hercolani, Bologna
ASBo
Archivio di Stato, Bologna
ASMn
Archivio di Stato, Mantova
BCABo
Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, Bologna
Technical abbreviations
EDX
Energy dispersive X‐ray microanalysis
FTIR
Fourier transform infrared microscopy
HPLC
High‐performance liquid chromatography

List of archive references cited

  • Bologna, Archivio di Stato, Fondo 4.9.10., Notarile Angelo Michele Felicori, v. 76: inventory of the Hercolani collection, 1828
  • Bologna, Archivio Privato Hercolani, Libro Mastro, 1836
  • Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, MS B.104: Marcello Oretti, Le Pitture che si ammirano nelli Palaggi, e case de’ Nobili della città di Bologna …
  • Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, MS B.105: Marcello Oretti, pitture esposte negli apparati per le processioni
  • Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, MS B.384, II: Luigi Crespi, Descrizione di molti quadri
  • Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, MS B.4601: Inventario dei Quadri nella Galleria Hercolani, 1836
  • London, Guildhall Library, MS 19.473.2: receipted bills
  • Mantua, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Gonzaga, 1630: Captain Galeazzo da Sanseverino, letter to Isabella d’Este, 11 February 1491

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Morelli 1892-3
MorelliGiovanniItalian Painters: Critical Studies of their Works by Giovanni Morellitrans. Constance Jocelyn Ffoulkes (1st vol. trans. into Italian, Milan 1897), 2 volsLondon 1892–3
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MündlerOtto, ‘The Travel Diaries of Otto Mündler 1855–1858’, ed. Carol Togneri Dowd and introduction by Jaynie AndersonThe Walpole SocietyLondon 1985, LI
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Negro and Roio 1998
NegroEmilio and Nicosetta RoioFrancesco Francia e la sua scuolaModena 1998
Negro and Roio 2001
NegroEmilio and Nicosetta RoioLorenzo Costa, 1460–1535Modena 2001
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PaolucciAntonioLuciana Prati and Stefano Tumidei, eds, Marco Palmezzano: il Rinascimento nelle Romagne (exh. cat. Musei San Domenico, Forlì), Cinisello Balsamo 2005
Penny 2004
PennyNicholasNational Gallery Catalogues: The Sixteenth‐Century Italian Paintings, Volume I, Paintings from Bergamo, Brescia and CremonaLondon 2004
Penny 2008
PennyNicholasNational Gallery Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings, Volume II, Venice 1540–1600London 2008
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A note on authorship

I first began to draft entries on the Ferrarese paintings catalogued here in about 1995. Shortly thereafter Carol Plazzotta, then a new recruit to the curatorial department who was working under my guidance, carried out some research in Italy. By the turn of the century I had decided to concentrate on other areas – Bergamo, Brescia and Cremona and, later, Venice – in the first two National Gallery catalogues of the sixteenth‐century Italian paintings, which were published in 2004 and 2008. I returned to the artists of Ferrara, with the resolution of including Bologna in the same volume, not long before I was appointed Director of the National Gallery in 2008. But as Director I hardly ever found more than an hour on any weekday for pursuing work on the catalogue and, although I found that it was possible to achieve a surprising amount in the evenings and at weekends, I soon realised that I would need a collaborator who would be qualified to work in Italian archives, and to review recent publications – someone also with a keen eye, a lively curiosity – and the ability to read my handwritten notes. Giorgia Mancini was chosen for this task, and her contribution has been substantial, especially, but by no means only, on account of the archival discoveries she made which have transformed our understanding of several of the major paintings catalogued here.

In the majority of cases Giorgia was responsible for the preliminary draft of a catalogue entry, artist’s biography or appendix on a collector, and my contribution has consisted in revising and sometimes reordering her work, sometimes contracting and at other times extending the information, interpretations and arguments she advanced. Those sections written by me both before and after her involvement have all benefited from her critical attention. She alone is responsible for those appendices in the catalogue entries which provide transcriptions of Italian or Latin texts. The only parts of the catalogue of which I am the sole author are the Introduction, most of the entries for Garofalo and the Appendices devoted to the Buonvisi, Lucca and Midleton collections.

As Gabriele Finaldi has emphasised in his Foreword, a work of this kind is collaborative in a broader sense, and very large contributions have been made by Marika Spring, head of the Scientific Department, and Rachel Billinge in the Conservation Department. They undertook the examinations and supplied the text for the technical preliminaries of each entry, and patiently and meticulously reviewed and improved the revisions we sometimes made.

Nicholas Penny

[page 10]
page 10

Garofalo, The Holy Family with Saints Elizabeth, Zacharias, John the Baptist (and Francis?) (NG 170), detail (© The National Gallery, London)

[page 11]

Map of North Italy showing places mentioned in the text. Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

[page 12]

Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

[page 13]

Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

The Scope and Presentation of the Catalogue

The majority of the National Gallery’s collection catalogues are devoted to the art of one century and one region. Several artists who were active in the fifteenth century as well as in the sixteenth – notably Costa and Francia – are nevertheless included here. It was tempting to make an exception and to catalogue all the Ferrarese painters of both centuries together, thus including Tura and Cossa, whose work did indeed influence the early paintings of Costa and Francia. However, it would be misleading to break the pattern established for the other catalogues of the collection. Moreover, it was essential to combine entries for artists active in Ferrara with entries for those active in Bologna, given the way that artists moved between these cities. We have added entries on artists working in the Romagna and this makes a book of convenient size. Any future catalogue of the works by Raphael and his followers in the National Gallery will form an instructive parallel to this one.

We could, of course, have legitimately included Correggio and Parmigianino – artists who are extremely well represented in the National Gallery – but their paintings would, together with that by Nicolo dell’Abate, make another, somewhat smaller, volume. No division will ever be perfect and a case could be made for including Boccaccino here – but an even stronger case was made for including him in the catalogue of paintings from Bergamo, Brescia and Cremona (published in 2004).

As with the earlier two volumes of sixteenth‐century Italian paintings, the entries are divided into more sections than has previously been the case in the National Gallery’s catalogues. This acknowledges the fact that catalogues are more often consulted than read – and often only consulted for a single, relatively narrow, purpose. It also has the advantage of preparing the text for future incorporation, in one form or another, in the Gallery’s website. A measure of repetition is an unavoidable consequence of this policy, especially in the way that information in the discursive account of previous owners is often reiterated in the succinctly tabulated section on provenance.

Each entry includes some account of the painting’s current frame and, when possible, previous frames are recorded, although fewer have been illustrated than was the case in the previous two catalogues. Priority has been given here to illustrating frames chosen or designed for the paintings by collectors, or by the Gallery itself, in the nineteenth century. Such frames are still neglected, even by experts in this field. We make no apology for attempting to satisfy the curiosity of relatively few scholars – it is indeed our hope that we are of assistance to many minorities in the scholarly world.

It seemed more valuable to collect the exhibition history of these paintings together (p. 517) rather than to list it separately in each entry. The first of two lists records loans made by the Gallery to regional or other national museums either as long‐term loans or as touring exhibitions (both of which were organised after the First World War by the Arts Council). It may be of interest to record the opportunity to see Mazzolino in Bradford in the 1930s but the more obvious value of this list is as a register of those works that were regarded as of secondary significance. (It has always been obvious that both Garofalo and Mazzolino are more than adequately represented in Trafalgar Square.) The second list is of loans made internationally. In these cases catalogues of the exhibitions have contributed to the literature on the paintings and as such are usually acknowledged in the catalogue entries.

A list of changed attributions is also provided (p. 516). It reveals, as usual, that doubt has sometimes been removed and sometimes added, but several changes are we believe decisive – we assign NG 3102 to the young Garofalo; NG 73 to Panizzati; NG 3103 and 3104 to Pisano. And perhaps most importantly, after years of hesitation, we have dismissed the idea that Maineri may have been partly responsible for the Strozzi Altarpiece (NG 1119), as was proposed by one of the greatest connoisseurs this country has ever known.

The techniques of analysis abbreviated by our colleagues in the Scientific and Conservation departments are listed on p. 489 near the abbreviations we have employed for archives. Many references are made to the National Gallery’s own archives which may be consulted in the Gallery’s Research Centre where the dossiers on the paintings are also kept. Conservation dossiers are, however, housed in the Conservation Department.

About this version

Version 2, generated from files GM_NP_2016__16.xml dated 02/03/2025 and database__16.xml dated 02/03/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Structural mark-up applied to skeleton document in full; document updated to use external database of archival and bibliographic references; entries for NG81, NG82, NG179-NG180, NG218, NG669, NG1234, NG1362, NG2083, NG2486, NG3892 and NG4032 prepared for publication, proofread and corrected.

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Chicago style
Mancini, Giorgia and Nicholas Penny. “NG 2486, A Concert”. 2016, online version 2, March 2, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVW-000B-0000-0000.
Harvard style
Mancini, Giorgia and Penny, Nicholas (2016) NG 2486, A Concert. Online version 2, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVW-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 31 March 2025).
MHRA style
Mancini, Giorgia and Nicholas Penny, NG 2486, A Concert (National Gallery, 2016; online version 2, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DVW-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 31 March 2025]