Catalogue entry
Benvenuto Tisi, called Garofalo Ferrara
c.
1481–1559
NG 1362
Two Couples with Cupid
2016
,Extracted from:
Giorgia Mancini and Nicholas Penny, The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings, Volume III: Bologna and Ferrara (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2018).

© The National Gallery, London
c. 1535–45
Oil on canvas, 128.7 × 178.9 cm
Support
The canvas is of a fine tabby weave. There is a vertical seam to the right side of the centre of the painting, passing through the woman’s left knee and the fluttering drapery of her lover. The lining canvas, which was replaced in 1991, extends slightly beyond the original canvas, which measures 127.3 × 178.1 cm. Although the original canvas has been trimmed, there is no evidence that the painted surface was reduced. When the lining canvas was replaced the back of the original canvas was photographed; ‘n. 93’ was inscribed on it in two places.
Materials and technique
The canvas was prepared with a gesso (calcium sulphate) ground and a mid‐grey priming composed of lead white, charcoal black and gesso. Infrared reflectography reveals freehand drawing in a liquid medium consisting of simple outlines, which for the most part have been followed in the painting. The intensely blue drapery beneath the woman at the right is painted in high‐quality ultramarine; indeed, this has been used lavishly throughout this painting, including in the sky and the distant landscape, where there is a thin underlayer containing azurite. The bluest areas of the drapery around the man on the left contain a paler grade of ultramarine of a smaller particle size, applied on the more generally mauve paint, which is a mixture of azurite, red lake and lead white.
There are two different red lake pigments in the red drapery around the man on the right, one prepared from kermes dyestuff, the other from madder. The more orange‐red madder lake predominates in thin glazes on the highlights and in the opaque undermodelling, where it is mixed with lead white, vermilion and a little black.
The flesh of the two females is very pale, but cannot have faded since it is painted with lead white with a little vermilion. The same is true of the rather grey shadows of the flesh, which contain a considerable amount of charcoal black as well as some vermilion and yellow earth mixed with lead white. Softwood pitch has been found in the deepest brown shadows of the pale yellow drapery. The more yellow half‐shadows are painted with yellow lake and yellow earth with some lead‐tin yellow. Traces of shell gold survive on the acanthus ornament of the handle of Cupid’s bow and on the border of the blue drapery under the foremost female nude.
The binding medium in both light and dark areas of paint has been identified as walnut oil, which appears to have been heat‐bodied and mixed with a small amount of pine resin in the darkest and most translucent greens.1
Minor revisions were made during the course of execution, for example: a fringe of fur was originally painted over the knee of the man on the right (under his partner’s forearm); the same man’s right forearm was moved inward and the outline of the woman’s right arm was also altered; the right arm of the woman on the left was repeatedly widened; the pale blue drapery across her lover’s buttocks was lowered.
Conservation
Consolidation of flaking paint took place in 1941 and 1949, and surface cleaning in 1953 and 1977. Relining, cleaning and restoration were carried out in 1991–2. Sizeable areas of loss were reconstructed (see below, under Condition); some old filling and restoration across the back of the reclining man and in the trees and rocks was left in place, although it certainly conceals some original paint. Before the cleaning in 1991, overpaint from previous treatments was present in the sky. The most recent overpaint consisted of a combination of natural ultramarine and Prussian blue that must have dated from after 1704 (when the latter pigment was introduced) and probably before 1828 (when the former was generally replaced by synthetic ultramarine). Beneath this, in a band along a horizontal line of damage caused by folding (see below), there were remnants of earlier blue overpaint consisting of smalt mixed with natural ultramarine on top of a very thin layer containing azurite, from at least one campaign of restoration, probably in the seventeenth century.
Unusually, one major intervention is documented: that by George Simpson in 1796, who charged Lord Midleton the large sum of six guineas for ‘cleaning and repairing a large picture of Mars and Venus in a landscape … with view of a town in the distance …. by Benvenuto Geroffolo’.2 It is very likely that Simpson was responsible for the hard filling and restoration that were not removed, and also for the combination of Prussian blue and ultramarine. It would be surprising, though, if the painting were not given some additional treatment before it was acquired by Edmond Beaucousin in the 1850s.
Condition
The colours are well preserved and, despite the damage to the painting, the original red, green and brown glazes are in good condition. There are losses along the seam and along two horizontal lines, suggesting that the canvas was at some time folded in three. There are also numerous losses elsewhere. In general, the paint is worn in the sky, the flesh and the dark brown of the rocks, with the canvas or the grey priming showing through in some places (this is most notable in the right breast of the woman and the back of the man on the left). Sizeable areas of loss (now reconstructed) include a patch of grass in the foreground to the right of Cupid’s bow, part of the meadow sloping down to the river on the left, and some of the sky, top left.
Originally the tree trunks were probably more easily distinguished from each other and from the vertical rock behind them, which is itself liable to be mistaken for a trunk. The man on the right may originally have had a soft beard.
[page 263][page 264]
Detail of NG 1362. © The National Gallery, London
Attribution and dating
The painting is not known to have been attributed to any artist other than Garofalo, except perhaps Baccio Bandinelli, as explained below (under ‘Previous owners’). It is entirely typical of Garofalo in drawing, palette, handling and technique. It is harder to assign a date to the painting and Gould in his catalogue of 1975 made no observation on this subject.
Some features, such as the way that the wall of rock blocks out half the background, is found both in the artist’s early works, such as the Adoration of the Kings in Berlin, and in later ones, such as the Lamentation in Munich.3 Putti with abundant curls are common in his work after about 1517. The elaborately plaited hair of the woman in the central group is more distinctive. A similar coiffure appears in signed paintings dated 1541 (the Annunciation in S. Lorenzo, Fondra) and 1542 (John the Baptist with Zaccaria in S. Salvatore, Bologna)4 and perhaps reflects Garofalo’s acquaintance with the hairstyles favoured by Girolamo da Carpi. No less notable is the treatment of the nude figures: he seems keen here to demonstrate his knowledge of the female abdomen and the male back, emphasising in the latter as many salients and hollows as possible, in a manner reminiscent of the anatomical exhibitions in the frescoes by Giulio Romano and workshop in the Sala degli Giganti of the Palazzo Te in Mantua, completed by 1535 and surely known to the leading painters in the neighbouring duchy of Ferrara. A similar treatment of the nude is also a feature of Garofalo’s Triumph of Bacchus now in Dresden,5 a painting of 1540 that he made after a drawing by Raphael.6 A date between 1535 and 1545 for the present painting seems probable.7
The identity of the lovers
The painting was long entitled ‘Mythological Figures in a Landscape’. In 1975 Cecil Gould changed the title to ‘An Allegory of Love’ because he felt that the subject had been ‘convincingly explained by Edgar Wind as the growth of love illustrated by the elements Amor (on the left), Pulchritudo (the central couple, contemplating each other’s beauty) and Voluptas (the right‐hand group)’.8 This explanation had been published by Wind in his Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance in 1958 9 and has been widely accepted by scholars.10 It seems that Gould had informed Wind that the painting had formerly [page 265]been believed to represent Mars and Venus in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (see ‘Previous owners’) because Wind refuted this identification in a letter to Gould of 26 February 1962: the man in the last group is certainly not Mars; he is characterized as the active lover, in contrast to the contemplative lover in the preceding group, and that is all. According to Ficino, Pico and all the rest of them (including Bembo in Venice and Calcagnini in Ferrara), the contemplation of beauty finds its fruition in the pleasures of love (voluptas), but the joy is not pure unless it is aroused by beauty. The lizard (ramaro) is in emblem literature a symbol of purity, because of its shyness, the goat (I thought it was a lamb, but a goat is even better) is a symbol of amorous passion. In other words: Be shy as a lizard, and passionate as a goat! – Best wishes for the new catalogue.11
In favour of Wind’s interpretation is the fact that the pretty idea that passion was purified when prompted by an aesthetic impulse is found in literature of the kind most likely to be familiar to a painter at the court of Ferrara – for instance in Gli Asolani by Pietro Bembo (1470–1547), dedicated to his beloved Lucrezia Borgia (1480–1519, who married Alfonso d’Este in 1502).12 Even more significant is the fact that it is found in the writing of Celio Calcagnini (1479–1541), who was appointed official chronicler of Ferrara by Antonio Costabili in 1517.13 Calcagnini’s De Anterote of 1510 seems to have inspired the small narratives painted as fictive reliefs by Garofalo in the 18 lunettes of the Sala del Tesoro of the Palazzo Costabili.14
There is, however, an obvious obstacle to the acceptance of [page 266] Wind’s theory. The artist seems to have made little effort to contrast the conduct of the couples. Manual contact may be more apparent in the right‐hand group but the other pair seem no less intimate. The man is undressed, and he must be supposed to be embracing his partner with his right arm. It would be more reasonable to argue that the left‐hand couple represents a later phase of love: desire satisfied as distinct from desire aroused.

Detail of NG 1362. © The National Gallery, London

Paolo Fiammingo, ‘Reciproco Amore’ (Mutual Love or The Age of Gold), about 1585–9. Oil on canvas, 159 × 257.5 cm. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum. © KHM‐Museumsverband

Marcantonio Raimondi or Agostino Veneziano, Venus and Adonis, about 1520–5. Engraving, 26.3 × 16.5 cm, derived from the fresco painted by Raphael or his workshop for the bathroom of Cardinal Bibbiena in the Vatican Palace, 1516. London, The British Museum. © The Trustees of the British Museum
Most secular paintings of this size by Garofalo are mythological narratives. There
are many romances, both ancient and medieval, involving twins or close friends, and
the painting may strike us as more like a version of A Midsummer Night’s Dream (without the virginity) than a solemn allegory. Anne Thackray has pointed out that
Ariosto likens Alfonso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, and his brother, Cardinal Ippolito,
to the heavenly twins Castor and Pollux:
The deep devotion of this comely pair
Will make the State’s defences more secure
Than if her walls, by Vulcan’s skill, should wear
A double iron girdle to ensure
Her safety15
Here, however, devotion is directed towards extramural pursuits. Castor and Pollux
did carry off Phoebe and Phoebe’s sister16 – they might be represented here relaxing after the excitement of their abduction.
But we would expect some reference to that event and the men should look more alike.
The goatskin tunic and the bow and arrow suggest that the man on the right is a hunter,
and that needs to be explained. No episode has been found in either Matteo Maria Boiardo’s Orlando Innamorato, published (posthumously and incomplete) in 1495, or Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso (first published in 1516, then revised in 1521 and much enlarged in 1532) – the two
great romances written in this period by Ferrarese poets – or in any other romance,
unless, that is, the painting is meant to depict a ‘garden of love’, commonly described in poems, especially those incorporating Ovidian themes. This
possibility was first advanced by Ernst Gombrich in a letter to Gould of 17 July 1954.17 In such gardens, groups of lovers are shamelessly active out of doors, as in the
Garden of Adonis in Spenser’s Faerie Queen:
And sweete love gentle fitts emongst them throwes,
Without fell rancor or fond gealosy.
Frankly each Paramor his leman knowes,
Each bird his mate; ne any does envy
Their goodly meriment and gay felicity.18
The painting does in fact resemble those made later in the century by Paolo Fiammingo
(about 1540–1596), which seem to represent a golden age in which collective mating
was cheerfully conducted out of doors – and especially the one entitled Reciproco Amore (fig. 3) after the caption given to the engraving made after it by Agostino Carracci (1557–1602).19 It may be that that the couple in the foreground of Garofalo’s painting is inspired
by a composition of Venus and Adonis invented by Raphael and broadcast by engravings (fig. 4).20
The lizard and the goat
Edgar Wind’s conviction that the animals are emblematic of the theme he detected in the painting is surprising. The goat represents lust, and animal appetite is precisely what the theorists cited by Wind were concerned to refine. The lizard is certainly shy, but also quick and cold, which suits his theory less well. In the Psyche and Ocnos (Allegory of Vigilance and Sloth) in the Lansdowne collection, a work probably painted by Garofalo before 1512, one figure is accompanied by a stork and another by a tortoise.21 These are the attributes of vigilance and sloth.22 It is far from certain that the goat and lizard in NG 1362 are attributes of this kind. They simply do not possess an equivalent prominence (fig. 5).
The goat is seen in the distance on the right, standing on its back legs and nibbling at the lower branches of the trunk upon which its forefeet are placed. Goats are similarly employed in the background of numerous paintings of this period.23 André Chastel has noted how popular the motif was in ancient art – on sarcophagi and gems, for example; he might have added the observation that this is how goats do commonly feed, and it is indeed the case that goats are more commonly depicted in this attitude than in any other.24

Detail of NG 1362. © The National Gallery, London
Lizards are not at all uncommon in Italian painting of the late fifteenth century, or of the sixteenth, and they abound in bronze sculpture of the same period. They may sometimes have been included to indicate the wildness of the landscape that Saint Jerome or Saint John the Baptist inhabited or in which the holy family rested on their travels.25 On other occasions they occupy the stone wall of the stable in the Nativity, or ruins and boulders included for other reasons.26 Garofalo must have included a lizard to provide colour and incident in a dark area of the painting. It may have been intended to suggest the relative remoteness of the setting, although it may not even have been meant to have this significance. In any case, it is hard to believe that the smaller but more prominent lizard (together with a pair of frogs) in the foreground of the Adoration of the Magi, dated September 1537, which Garofalo painted for S. Giorgio, Ferrara,27 was included for any other reason than to provide diversion and delight. And this is surely true of the lizard placed near the foot of the Virgin in Titian’s painting of her with Saint Agnes of about 153028 and of the one in the lower left corner of Barocci’s Martyrdom of San Vitale (a match for the jay in the other corner).29
It has been suggested that Garofalo’s lizard was a quasi‐heraldic device referring to the patron of the painting. The salamander was the device of François I of France [page 268] (1494–1547), and salamanders are also prominent in much of the carved and cast decoration of the Palazzo Te, made in 1525–35 for Federico II Gonzaga (1500–1540), Marchese and then Duke of Mantua, together with his motto ‘quod huic deest me torquet’. This was a reference to his love for Isabella Boschetti (born about 1502), which may be translated as ‘what this creature lacks, torments me’, alluding to the fact that lizards were thought to be incapable of amorous instincts.30 It is, however, very unlikely that Garofalo intended his lizard to be a salamander.

Detail of NG 1362. © The National Gallery, London
Since it is unusual for types of tree to be identifiable in Renaissance paintings, it is worth observing that the trees on the right must be yews, which are rich in symbolic meaning (but occur in very different contexts, including NG 3928).

The trunk of a yew tree showing distinctive vertical branches. © Photo NBP
Previous owners
This must be the painting, attributed to Garofalo, of ‘Mars and Venus, with two attendants and Cupid, reclining near the entrance to a cavern: a town and range of hills in the background. A grand composition, very richly coloured’ in the collection of Lord Midleton, offered for sale at Christie’s on 31 July 1851 (lot 80) and bought in at 120 guineas. It was offered again at Christie’s on 20 March of the following year (lot 214) and bought by Nieuwenhuys for 97 guineas (£101 17s.). Nieuwenhuys presumably either bought it for Beaucousin or sold it to him soon after.31 It was purchased for the National Gallery with the Beaucousin collection in 1860. Eastlake was apprehensive of the reception of such an erotic painting in a public collection and offered it to the National Gallery of Scotland,32 presumably on the grounds that there would be a far smaller public there and less likelihood of moral indignation reaching the national press. It remained in Edinburgh until 1932 and was not included in any official catalogue before 1929, when it was given the number 1362.33
An account of the Midleton collection, which was kept first in London and then at the family seat of Peper‐Harow, is provided in an appendix (pp. 478–84). The earliest certain references to the Garofalo in the surviving papers concerning this collection occur in two inventories made in about 1765: ‘Mars and Venus in a double action by Ben Venuto Da Garafoly’ and ‘Mars and Venus by Benvenuto Garofolo’. An earlier inventory, apparently of 1732, records a ‘Mars and Venus’ among the pictures in the bedchamber of Lord Midleton’s house in Golden Square. No other painting was attributed to Garofalo, so this is likely to have been the same work.34 It may also correspond to the ‘large picture of many figures by B. Bandinelli’ seen by George Vertue (1684–1756) in 1722 in the collection of Thomas Broderick (1654–1730), whose collection was bequeathed to his nephew the 2nd Viscount Midleton (1702–1747).35 Five figures would not normally qualify for the adjective ‘many’, but this was certainly one of the large pictures in his collection and there is something about Garofalo’s nudes that recalls the exaggerated musculature of Bandinelli’s drawings – drawings well known to English collectors (who had no idea what Bandinelli’s few paintings would have looked like). This supposition is supported by the fact that the Midletons seem not to have disposed of major works from their collection in the eighteenth century and yet there is no other picture known to have been in the collection that could be described in this way. That the painting would have been recognised as by Garofalo in London in the mid‐eighteenth century is easily explained: a painting inscribed as by him was recorded in the collection of Frederick, Prince of Wales, in 1749, which is obviously by the same hand.36
That the picture was highly esteemed is clear from the fact that a specially carved frame was made for it by George Simpson in 1796, from the prominence of its display at Peper‐Harow, and from the highly optimistic estimate of £400 placed on it in the sale of 1851.
No clue as the picture’s whereabouts before 1722 has [page 269]been found but perhaps it is worth noting that a painting of a ‘Venere distesa [‘reclining Venus’] di Benvenuto Garofili’, which can be identified with no other surviving painting by this artist, is recorded in 1655 in the collection of Lorenzo Dolfin in Venice.37
Provenance
See ‘Previous owners’ above. Probably Thomas Brodrick MP, 1722 (as by Bandinelli), by whom bequeathed to 2nd Viscount Midleton, in whose possession recorded about 1732. By descent to the 5th Viscount. Purchased by Nieuwenhuys, Christie’s, London, 20 March 1852. Sold by him to Beaucousin, from whom purchased by the National Gallery in 1860.
Framing
The painting is in a gilded cast composition frame of the mid‐nineteenth century with a ‘reverse’ pattern modelled on French seventeenth‐century examples. The higher, inner moulding consists of oak leaves, acorns and olives with acanthus corners and flowers within ribbons at the centres. The leaves move inwards from the corners to the centres. The lower, outer moulding consists of a twisted ribbon with beads. This frame has been made for the painting, although it has been adapted at the sight edge because it is no longer designed for glass and it probably dates from the painting’s acquisition in 1860. See also the frame on Bertucci NG 1051.
Paintings in this catalogue that were sent from the National Gallery on long‐term loan or included in touring exhibitions within the UK
Garofalo NG 1362:
Long‐term loan to National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1860–5 October 1932;
Italian Paintings, Leicestershire Museum and Art Gallery, 12 April–9 November 1935
Loan exhibitions, mostly international, after 1980, to which paintings in this catalogue have been lent
Garofalo NG 1362:
Ferrara: Gli Este e L’Europa, Musées Royaux des Beaux‐Arts de Belgique, Brussels, 1 October 2003–4 January 2004
Notes
1 A more detailed account of the technique of this painting and others by Garofalo can be found in Dunkerton, Penny and Spring 2002. (Back to text.)
2 Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43 (see p. 482 and note 50 on p. 483 here). (Back to text.)
3 Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, no. 24, pp. 100, 102; no. 139, pp. 207–9. (Back to text.)
4 Ibid. , no. 180, pp. 246–8; no. 182, pp. 247–9. Plaiting was combined with a looser arrangement of the hair in the 1520s – for example, in the woman in the Pagan Sacrifice (NG 3928) or the Saint Catherine in the Landesmuseum, Oldenburg (Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, no. 135, pp. 204–5), dated 1526 and 1529. (Back to text.)
5 See p. 209, fig. 2. (Back to text.)
6 Faber in Weber 2002, pp. 142–6. See also the anatomical emphasis in the Martyrdom of Saint Stephen in the Gemäldegalerie, Berlin, dated 1540. (Back to text.)
7 Fioravanti Baraldi (in Gli Este a Ferrara 2004, no. 159, p. 418) dates the painting to the mid‐1530s. See also Kustodieva and Lucco 2008, p. 170 (entry by Danieli). Romani (in Ballarin and Romani 1999, p. 56) discusses NG 1362 with reference to the taste for erotic themes at the Mantuan and Ferrarese courts in the late 1520s. (Back to text.)
8 Gould 1975, pp. 94–5. (Back to text.)
9 Wind 1958, p. 126; 1967 edn, p. 149. (Back to text.)
10 Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, pp. 229–30; Pattanaro 2007 (Dosso Dossi), p. 93. (Back to text.)
11 Letter of Edgar Wind to Cecil Gould, NG 1362 dossier. The point about the animals was added as a footnote in the 1967 edition. (Back to text.)
12 ‘Egli la mira intentamente e rimira con infingevole occhio, e per tutte le sue fattezze discorrendo, con vaghezza solo da gli amanti conosciuta, ora risguarda la bella treccia, più simile ad oro che ad altro’, Bembo 1530, lib. II, cap. XXII. This passage seems to describe the couple on the left; see Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, p. 230. (Back to text.)
13 See DBI , 16, 1973, p. 493 (entry by De Ferrari). (Back to text.)
14 As demonstrated by Schwarzenberg in 1967. (Back to text.)
16 Ovid, Fasti, V, 693ff. (Back to text.)
17 Fiorenza 2008, pp. 93–4, connects the embrace of the couple on the right with the encounter of Mars and Venus described by Lucretius in Book 1 of the De rerum natura, although with the male and female roles reversed (Mars ‘casts himself’ upon Venus’s lap, ‘wholly vanquished by the ever‐living wound of love’). (Back to text.)
18 Spenser 1590, Book III, Canto VI, stanza XLI. (Back to text.)
19 The paintings are in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Two of them were engraved around 1589–95 by Agostino Carracci, for which see De Grazia Bohlin 1979, pp. 306–9, nos 191 and 192, and pp. 289–90 for a general discussion of Annibale’s Lascivie and the other erotic prints of the sixteenth century, which is relevant to this painting. (Back to text.)
20 A summary of the evidence concerning the dating of his decoration of Bibbiena’s bathroom is given by Cordellier and Py 1992, pp. 324–5. See also Oberhuber 1999, pp. 100, 102, notes 39, 40, 41; Pattanaro 2007 (Dosso Dossi), p. 92. (Back to text.)
21 This painting is not included in the monograph by Fioravanti Baraldi. See Pattanaro 2007 (Dosso Dossi), pp. 80–5, fig. 68, plate x. (Back to text.)
22 Pattanaro 2007 (Dosso Dossi), pp. 83–4. (Back to text.)
23 Among other examples see Titian’s Flight into Egypt in the Hermitage (Mazzotta 2012, p. 54, fig. 43) and his late Nymph and a Shepherd in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, and Pordenone’s Virgin and Child with Saints in the Duomo, Cremona. See also the herd of goats in Dosso’s Three Ages of Man in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. (Back to text.)
24 Chastel 1976. In the very centre of Rubens’s Watering Place of 1615–22 (NG 4815) three goats can be found in the shadows of the wood, two of them similarly employed. (Back to text.)
25 Pinturicchio, Saint Jerome (Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, 371087); Cossa, Saint John the Baptist (Brera, Milan); Pietro Sacchi, Holy Family, dated 1518 (recently Walpole Gallery); Lotto, Saint Jerome (Museo del Prado, Madrid). (Back to text.)
26 Fra Diamante, Nativity (Paris, Louvre, inv. 338); Filippino Lippi, Virgin and Child with Saints John the Baptist and Francis (Genoa, Palazzo Bianco); Lattanzio da Rimini, Polyptych, in S. Martino near Piazza Brembana. For the Lattanzio see Humfrey 1993, pl. 116 and p. 350, no. 51. (Back to text.)
27 Pinacoteca Nazionale, Ferrara, inv. 154; Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, no. 175, tav. XXVII. (Back to text.)
28 Louvre, Paris, inv. 3744, on loan to Dijon. (Back to text.)
29 Brera, Milan. Emiliani 1985, I, pp. 168–87 (esp. fig. 337 on p. 169). (Back to text.)
30 Jacobus Typotius gives this device to Francesco Gonzaga in error in his Symbola varia diversorum principum (Prague 1603) pl. 75 (this is the third volume of Symbola Divina et Humana). (Back to text.)
31 On Beaucousin see Hédouin 1847, VI, pp. 256–78, 272; Piot 1863, p. 166; Penny 2008, p. 120. (Back to text.)
32 NG Archive, Minutes of the Trustees 1/4, pp. 231–2: loan to Scotland resolved 18 June 1860 – returned 5 Oct. 1932. (Back to text.)
33 The number 1362 had previously been allocated in 1892 to a portrait by Richard Brompton of Thomas, 2nd Lord Lyttleton bequeathed by Marianna Augusta, Lady Hamilton, which ‘as a result of reconsideration of the testamentary provisions was surrendered in 1900’. (Back to text.)
34 MSS in Surrey History Centre, Woking, G 145 / box 43, folder ‘Pictures at Peper Harow’. (Back to text.)
35 ‘The Vertue Note books’, II, p. 9. (Back to text.)
36 Ibid. , I, p. 11. Shearman 1983, pp. 110–11, pl. 102. (Back to text.)
37 Borean 1998, pp. 410 and 411 in doc. no. 126 (‘quadri sparsi per la casa’) as ‘uno [quadro] con venere distesa di Benvenuto Gerofili’. (Back to text.)
Appendix of Collectors’ Biographies
The Midleton collection in London and at Peper‐Harow
The Brodrick family rose to prominence as servants of the Crown in the early seventeenth century and to political eminence a hundred years later. Thomas Brodrick, Lieutenant Governor of the Tower of London, was knighted in 1625. His second son, Sir St John Brodrick, took the Cromwellian side in the English civil war and received large grants of land in Ireland. He was pardoned by the Crown through the influence of his elder brother; his Irish property was extended in 1670 and grouped into the Manor of Midleton. Alan, Sir St John’s son, was made Lord High Chancellor of Ireland in 1714, Baron Brodrick of Midleton in 1715 and Viscount Midleton in 1717. His elder brother, Thomas, enjoyed a political career of equal success and was created Privy Councillor by George I in 1714.1
It was this Thomas Brodrick who emerged suddenly as an art collector of considerable significance in 1720, when he was over 65 years old. In 1720 or 1721, for example, he purchased Van Eyck’s Portrait of a Man (fig. 20, NG 222), formerly in Lord Arundel’s collection, from the Earl of Strafford,2 and on 6 August 1722 at the sale of William van Huls (after 1649–1722), Clerk of the Queen’s Robes and Wardrobes, courtier and diplomat in the service of King William III,3 he bought a great Rembrandt self portrait4 – both works of the first importance and today in the National Gallery (NG 223 and NG 221).
The collection of ‘Mr Brodericks Membr Parliament’ was described by the antiquarian George Vertue (1684–1756). The mixture of Dutch, Flemish and Italian works was typical of British collections at that date – the quality, however, was outstanding and perhaps it is a measure of Brodrick’s seriousness that he was the proud possessor of a Van Eyck (‘the first painter in oyl’, as Vertue describes him)5 because this must have given a historical dimension to his collection lacking in those formed by the 1st Earl of Bradford, perhaps the most voracious British collector of the previous generation,6 or by contemporary rivals such as Sir Robert Walpole 7 or Sir Gregory Turner.8 He also acquired, apparently in 1724, a work by Dürer – the Judgement of Solomon – later considered to be by Michael Wohlgemuth and sold as such in 1945.9
[page 479]Vertue’s list, which seems to have been made in 1723, consists of the following:10
- a fine head of Rhinbrants own picture bought at Mr. Van huls sale.
- a fine head of Charles 5 Emperor. by Titian. half figure.
- a large picture of many figures by Ba. Bandinelli.
- the picture of Johan de Eyck curiously painted on board …
- A very Beautifull strong View of Tivoly by Gaspar poussin. The strongest of the greatest force that possible can be. Sombrous manner. bought at Loo. in Holland. 4 foot by near 3.
- a fine Curious March by Wouverman –
- a fine Old Baptist of Flowers.
- a fine piece of dead fowles by Buckdane by much the finest of him I ever saw strong & finely Colour’d
- a sea piece a ship on Fire by V. Velde
- a curious small piece dit’o of G. Dou.
- Meiris
- one piece of Vandr. Werf. 3 boys at Cards.
- of Polenburgh some pieces.
- His Wife & Child a small picture. & many other pi.
- A fine large bunch of white grapes painted by G. Verelst at Hampton Court for K. Charles. not woolly but transparent and finely pencilld.
Some of these pictures were no doubt optimistically named. The Titian must be a portrait later attributed to Van Thulden.11 The Dou was later identified as of a woman selling cherries and is probably identical with a painting attributed to Franz de Paula Ferg (1689–1740) in the nineteenth century.12 On the other hand, the ‘Curious March by Wouverman’ must have been a fine specimen (it fetched the high price of £250 in 1851).13 The ‘Meiris’ may have been the exceptionally beautiful Terborch, now in the Taft Museum in Cincinnati, of the lady with a white satin dress tickling the face of a sleeping officer which Brodrick certainly owned and probably acquired in Holland (it was in Amsterdam in 1706).14 On the other hand, the Terborch may not have entered the collection at the date Vertue inspected it, for the Rubens, then believed to be of the Queen of Cyprus and now recognised as the Suicide of Dido, and since 1953 in the Louvre, was in Brodrick’s possession by 172415 and would surely not have been missed by Vertue. Nor would he have neglected to mention Van Dyck’s Portrait of Paul de Pont, which Brodrick owned.16 The Adriaen van Ostade of peasants drinking dated 1649, one of the most admired works in the collection,17 would not have been likely to escape his notice since he thought the Van der Werff worthy of attention. So we may conclude that Vertue was either only shown a part of the collection or, more likely, recorded a collection that was being formed.

Jan van Eyck, Portrait of a Man (Self Portrait?), 1433. Oil on oak, 26 × 19 cm. London, The National Gallery, NG 222. © The National Gallery, London
Naturally, Vertue’s values do not correspond with ours – few today would be so impressed by Simon Pieterz. Verelst, whose flower pieces especially were so extravagantly admired at that date.18 But connoisseurship of Dutch and Flemish paintings in London in the 1720s seems to have been competent, whereas knowledge of Italian old masters was very uncertain. Vertue as well as Brodrick were, it seems, deceived by the Titian. Brodrick was very proud of a Caravaggio portrait he had purchased much more cheaply than a Rubens, but it is unlikely to have had anything to do with that artist.19 The Bandinelli may be the National Gallery’s Garofalo of Two Couples with Cupid (NG 1362), a large painting recorded for certain in the collection later in the century (when there is no mention of a Bandinelli). An explanation for this confusion is given in the catalogue entry for this picture (p. 268).
[page 480]
The Midleton family tree. Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs
Vertue further notes of Thomas Brodrick that this Gentleman … it was that brought a Bill into the house of Commons to pass an Act for importing of pictures into England paying according to the size. from 20 shillings each picture to four pounds the most. when as before it was ad Valorem & caus’d great roguery & false swearing & prevented the best or very good pictures to come in the Custom amounting so high & instead of that Copies were brought in sworn & sold for originals & the Curious deceived. & since this Act already many good pictures are brought in. & few copies since this twelvemonth.20
The business of importing pictures and consciousness of a need to know more of Italian art are relevant to the continental travels made by Thomas Brodrick’s nephew Alan. In addition to letters of frigid formality to his father, the young man responded on 8 November 1724 from Bologna to his uncle’s ‘command’ to supply observations on the ‘Present and Antient painters’.21 He assured his uncle that he had consulted the ‘greatest virtuosos’ available and recited the official estimate of great masters such as Veronese and Titian (correcting what he took to be his uncle’s misapprehensions concerning the former). He had the taste and modesty to add that he was impressed at Cremona by Giulio and Bernardino Campi (‘men whose names I had never heard’) and at Parma by Schedone. He made the mistake of supposing that his uncle’s ‘Queen of Cyprus’ was a Lucretia and perhaps by ‘one of the Caracches’ and described a painting of Sophonisba by Balestra – ‘a scholar of Marat’ – on sale for about £50.
A month later, writing from Venice, he provided his uncle with a story designed to demonstrate both his own taste and the expert advice he had sought out. ‘In Ferrara I was told of a portrait of Paulo [Veronese, in whose work his uncle had expressed an interest] which I at first sight suspected not to be his, & was assured by Mr Swiny (whom you must certainly have seen [page 481]often at the late Lord Whartons) not only that it was not of him but that it was certainly a piece of Alessandro Varotari’22 (Varotari was in fact, confusingly, sometimes known as Veronese). ‘Swiny’ was Owen McSwiny, the remarkable Irish actor, dramatist, librettist, impresario, art dealer and agent whose scheme of paintings for monuments to British Worthies was then in progress.23 McSwiny was providing young Brodrick with ‘all possible Insight into Pictures … Painting has been his Employment for near eleven years and I fancy he has made some money of buying and selling pictures.’ Sure enough, it soon transpired that he had some for sale: a Pasinelli and a portrait by Ludovico Carracci. The Balestra, he reminded his uncle, was ‘near in size of your Queen of Cyprus which I took for a Lucretia’.24 In his next letter, also from Venice, he gave the exact sizes of all these, noting (cleverly) that the Pasinelli of Herodias was of a quality to be taken for a Guido ‘but the price of 100 or 110 pounds makes me not meddle with it’. He noted that letters should be sent to him in Venice at ‘Mr Smith’s an English merchant’.25 When he reassured his uncle that he had investigated the profit McSwiny would be making on the Pasinelli, he was allowed to buy it, as also the Balestra.26 His uncle’s insistence on measurements may perhaps be partly explained by the new import regulations but more probably by the arrangement of the collection. In a letter to his nephew he commended the Ludovico Carracci: ‘the size … differs so very little from my Spagnolet that twill perfectly well match it’.27 Consul Smith was responsible for packing and dispatching these works to Thomas Brodrick but sent ‘my picture done by Rosalba’ – that is, a portrait in pastels of Alan by Rosalba Carriera – in place of the Balestra (the Rosalba was not intended for his uncle).28 Meanwhile, in Rome in the spring he bought a ‘Rebecca at the Well’ by Benedetto Luti, noting that Mr Coke (the heir to the Earl of Leicester) had bought another version of this at a far higher price and that he knew it could be sold for the price paid if his uncle didn’t like it. He also bought a Nicolas Poussin of the Story of Coral, which was a bargain (costing 130 Roman crowns but previously offered at 500) and combined the merits of the painter’s early and late styles.29 Evidently he had authority to spend £300 and the five pieces he had bought came to £260. Had his uncle not bid him ‘stop his hand’, he had his eye on a Bassano and a ‘Prete Genovese’. He does seem to have added a Cignani – it is no doubt the work by that artist which he had noted in McSwiny’s possession – and the total amount spent came to £294 12s. 8d.30
It is not entirely clear what happened to all these Grand Tour purchases by Alan Brodrick. His pastel portrait by Rosalba, later joined by another of the same size, would remain in the family until sold at Christie’s in 1945.31 The most expensive painting acquired for his uncle, the Pasinelli, also remained in the family collection. It was sold for a trifle in 1851 and is now in Stanford University Art Gallery, California.32 The most important of his purchases was surely the Poussin. It is clear from his letter that this represented the Origin of Coral. A finished compositional drawing of this subject, dated 1626–8, is at Windsor Castle, but it has never previously been associated with a painting by the artist.33 The painting was certainly in the collection in the 1730s. It may just possibly be ‘classical landscape with a waterfall and woody height beyond, figures reposing in the foreground’ by ‘N. Poussin’, offered in 1851 and bought in at 40 guineas.34 There is no reference to any work by Balestra in later accounts of the collection but a ‘Sophonisba’ is once mentioned.35 The Cignani (apparently of Adonis) seems to have been in the collection in the late eighteenth century but then vanishes.36 The same is true of the Luti.37 The Carracci cannot be traced at all.
We might suppose from this episode that Thomas Brodrick had it in mind to bequeath his collection to Alan, who, on his return to London, seems to have acted as his secretary.38 However, he had a much older nephew – the son of his brother’s first marriage – who was already launched on a successful political career. It was only when this elder nephew died in 1728 that Thomas Brodrick drew up a will bequeathing all his ‘plate pictures household furnishings’ and all other possessions to Alan, mentioning especially the ‘marble bustos of the Duke of Marlborough and Earl of Godolphin’ he hoped would be kept in his family as memory of ‘two of the greatest and faith fullest subjects … the age has produced’.39 In the same year the 1st Viscount died and Alan succeeded him. The collection of paintings was moved into his town house in Golden Square. The earliest inventory of 1732 reveals that no fewer than 63 of them were concentrated in the principal bedchamber.40
George Brodrick, the 3rd Viscount, set out on the Grand Tour in 1750–1, shortly before he came of age (and after his father’s death) but it is not recorded that he acquired anything for the family collection. His wife Albinia Townshend, however, did so. She annotated a manuscript catalogue of the collection then housed at New Burlington Street, apparently compiled before her husband’s death, to indicate that 20 of the pictures were her personal property – these included a Venus and Cupid by Albani, a Virgin and Child by Sassoferrato and a landscape by Domenichino – and noting that some works had been sold.41 This catalogue lists over 125 paintings. Of these, 44 were in the ‘Dining Room upstairs’, 42 were in the ‘Dressing Room’ and 14 in the ‘Parlour’. The Garofalo (‘Ben Venuto Da Garofoly’), described as of ‘Mars & Venus in a double action’, was no. 7 in the dining room. The collection was again listed at the end of 1765, when it seems to have been in another house – probably the dowager’s house in Great Marlborough Street – and this inventory, annotated by Albinia, corresponds with an insurance valuation dated November 1767 of £5,000.42
Meanwhile, a country house had been built that would soon house the collection. The manor of Peper‐Harow (or Peper‐Hara as it was then more frequently called) near Godalming in Surrey was acquired in 1713 by the 1st Viscount.43 Plans were being made to build in the 1750s, the park was reshaped by Capability Brown in about 1760, and the 3rd Viscount, shortly before his death in 1765, seems to have approved designs for a new house by Sir William Chambers.44 The building work was completed in two years but resumed a decade later – for instance, the bill for the drawing room chimney by Joseph Wilton is dated 177745 – and it is likely that it was only inhabited when the 4th Viscount came of age in 1776. We may suppose that the pictures were moved there at about the date that Wilton’s chimneypiece was installed. The family papers include rough drawings for the hang in the ‘Great Drawing Room’, the splendid room measuring 42 by 22 feet that we know to have been hung with ‘crimson silk and stuff damask’.46 In one suggested arrangement the portrait attributed to Titian of the Emperor Charles V was to be placed above the chimney with the Domenichino to the left and the Garofalo to the right; in another (which seems to have been [page 482]carried out), Rubens’s ‘Queen of Cyprus’ was to be above the chimney with the same neighbours but reversed and with smaller pictures below them (a Claude beneath the Garofalo).47 These sketches may reflect the architect’s ideas. He would certainly have known that the collection was to hang there and was probably responsible for commissioning from his friend Stubbs three overdoors for the Dining Room48 – these were Lord Rockingham’s Mares and Foals, now in the Tate, and a group of young leopards, and another of a hound attacking a stag.49 The sculptural sources and frieze‐like character of these works is perhaps partly explained by this architectural setting, and the Tate’s picture retains a narrow neoclassical frame that originally united it with the architecture of the room.
The most complete account of the collection in the eighteenth century is a detailed bill, dated November 1796, drawn up by the prominent London picture restorer George Simpson.50 It lists 130 paintings cleaned and, in many cases, re‐framed by him and delivered to Peper‐Harow.51 It is likely that the house was refurnished at the same date in preparation for the 4th Viscount’s second wife (he remarried in June 1797). The frames are not always specified, although some are identified as ‘fine Italian’ examples, and ‘Carlo Maratt’ frames surrounded, for example, the Rubens and the Claude (at £4 14s. 6d. and £3 7s. 0d. respectively).The top price of 12 guineas was for a ‘large pair of capital frames carved in the wood for the large Benvenuto Garoffolo & landscape by Domenichino’, which shows that these were to remain as pendants. This work must have been subcontracted by Simpson, who is not otherwise recorded as a framer. It seems likely from later records of the collection that more paintings were acquired in the early nineteenth century.
The 5th Viscount Midleton, who succeeded in 1836, had already alarmed his family by marrying Ellen Griffith. She is described in a footnote to The Complete Peerage as ‘a respectable girl, da. of a peasant’, with the further information that she ‘separated from him early in 1847, as he stated, through his own fault’. In the following year Lord Midleton ‘suffocated himself intentionally with charcoal fumes’.52 He had given extensive employment to Augustus Welby Pugin in the village church and on the estates in both Surrey and Ireland. These buildings, he confessed in 1844, had ‘undoubtedly received all my disposable income’ and he was alleged not only to have turned his mother and sister out of Peper‐Harow, but generally to have been ‘fonder of bricks and mortar than mankind’.53 His tastes were not, in fact, only for the Gothic. He employed Charles Robert Cockerell to modify the house, adding a porte cochère in 1843,54 and in Rome, between 1841 and 1843, he bought terracottas and a marble Bacchante from Joseph Gott, and plaster busts and two ‘mosaic’ (that is, marble inlay and micro‐mosaic) tables from Barberi.55 But there is no evidence that he was interested in paintings. His heir recalled that after his ‘sudden death’ in November 1848 it was discovered that his ‘dispositions had been such as to necessitate heavy litigation which was finally ended by the passing of a private act of parliament nearly two years later’.56 As a result of the legal costs a large collection of prints was sold at Christie’s on 30 July 1851 and 87 pictures, together with the mosaic tables and the Bacchante, were offered on the following day. This was not the entire collection and many of the paintings were bought in, but there was a clear intention to dispose of the most valuable. The Van Eyck was bought by the dealer Henry Farrer, acting for the National Gallery, for 300 guineas (the estimate was 200) and the Rembrandt (estimated at 700 guineas) was bought by Charles Eastlake for 410 guineas. Eastlake may have been acting for himself – it seems curious otherwise that he, rather than Farrer, bid for it – but he would have felt obliged to offer it for the purchase price to the Gallery of which he was at that date a Trustee (ex‐officio because he was President of the Royal Academy). The Garofalo was bought in at 120 guineas and the Rubens at 136. These were re‐offered at Christie’s on 20 March in the following year and sold for 97 and 50 guineas respectively.57 The ‘Grand Landscape with Erminia and the Shepherds’ by Domenichino, the highly esteemed pendant of the Garofalo, fetched a mere £25 14s. 6d.58 The Gaspar of Tivoli that had so impressed Vertue fetched £50 8s.59 McSwiny’s 100‐guinea Pasinelli was catalogued as by ‘Pascalini’ and bought in for less than £10.60
London experts probably supposed that little of importance remained at Peper‐Harow and the 6th Viscount, mostly resident in Eaton Place or disconsolately travelling abroad, convinced himself and everyone else that the family had been ruined by his predecessor,61 so it is unsurprising that Gustav Waagen never visited. However, there were a great many paintings at Peper‐Harow – over 92 are included in a list dated January 1861.62 They were hung throughout the house but with 34 of them concentrated in the drawing room, in some cases three high, including a Murillo Salvator Mundi, landscapes by Claude and Wynants and another Garofalo, The Marriage of Saint Catherine, smaller than the Two Couples with Cupid (NG 1362, pp. 262–9).63 There were 11 pictures in the library and the same number in the dining room and breakfast room.
Some themes may be discerned in the hang: in the dining room, where the animals by Stubbs remained as overdoors, there were paintings of flowers, game and animals; portraits and heads of philosophers adorned the library; family portraits hung in the breakfast room. There were five landscapes in the Chintz Bedroom and dressing room and eight in the boudoir, including the precious Brueghel River Scene.
In 1871, on the accession of the 8th Viscount, who energetically reformed the organisation of the house and estate, many of the paintings were cleaned and lined and many frames entirely or partly stripped and re‐gilded in London by William Neil.64 Twenty years later there was more cleaning, re‐varnishing and re‐gilding by J.L. Rutley, this time on the premises.65 Fifty‐two paintings were sold by the 2nd Earl and his Trustees at Christie’s in 42 lots on 26 October 1945. That this was effectively the end of the Midleton collection must have been clear from the fact that the family portraits were included in the sale. A few valuable pictures remained with the family. The small coppers by Brill, Brueghel the younger and Coninxloo were sold in 1964,66 the small Garofalo was sold in 1967, as was the Naval Battle by Willem van de Velde the Younger,67 doubtless the ‘sea piece’ that Vertue had recorded nearly 250 years before.
The house, used for some time as a special school, has now been divided into flats. Although much damaged by a fire (especially in the upper floor, added in 1913), the Great Drawing Room has been restored to something approaching its original appearance, except that no great painting hangs there.
[page 483]1. The Complete Peerage and Burke’s Peerage; also ‘Genealogical memoranda relating to the family of Brodrick’, privately printed 1872. A copy of the latter volume was consulted in the Surrey History Centre, Woking. The Brodrick MSS are kept there (vols VI, XXIX and XXX – 1248/6, 1248/29 and 1248/30 – are cited here), as is a collection of manuscript material entitled ‘Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc’ (G145, boxes 43, 46 and 67). These sources are abbreviated as ‘Brodrick MSS’ and ‘Peper‐Harow MSS’ in the following notes. ‘1902 MS Memoir’ refers to the memoir completed in August 1902 by the 8th Viscount Midleton, then aged 73 (1248/30). (Back to text.)
2. Campbell 1998, p. 212; Vertue ‘Note books’, II, p. 84. (Back to text.)
3. A basic biography is supplied by Bottoms in Dukelskaya and Moore 2002, p. 439. The Aug. sale was of the contents of his house in Whitehall (see note 4 below); another on 3 Sept. was of the contents of his Chelsea house. He or at least his family may have also resided in The Hague, where there was a third sale in 1736. (Back to text.)
4. A copy of this rare catalogue is in the Frick Art Reference Library. The auction commenced on 6 Aug. with the sale of the ‘Dwelling‐House at Whitehall’. The Rembrandt was lot 22. There were 246 lots and works by Italian, French, Flemish and Dutch masters. (Back to text.)
5. Vertue ‘Note books’, III, p. 9. (Back to text.)
6. Penny 2008, pp. 443–8. (Back to text.)
7. Dukelskaya and Moore 2002, esp. the catalogue pp. 101–302. (Back to text.)
8. Penny 2008, p. 431. (Back to text.)
9. Christie’s, 26 Oct. 1945, lot 39, for £441. The picture seems to be mentioned in a letter of 4 Dec. 1724, Brodrick MSS, VI, fol. 100. (Back to text.)
10. Vertue ‘Note books’, III, p. 9. I have formatted the text for ease of reference. (Back to text.)
11. Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 68. (Back to text.)
12. The subject is given in Simpson’s list included in Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. The Ferg was sold at Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 28, where bought by Nieuwenhuys for 55 guineas. (Back to text.)
13. Also bought by Nieuwenhuys. This cannot be conclusively identified with any of the paintings listed under ‘Soldiers on the March’ in the catalogue by Birgit Schumacher (2006, I, pp. 278–86) but may perhaps be A280 or A282. (Back to text.)
14. Gudlaugsson 1960, II, p. 133. Sold Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 77, for £299 5s. (Back to text.)
15. Mentioned in a letter of 22 Dec. 1724, Brodrick MSS, VI, fol. 110. Now Louvre, RF 1942‐33. Ex Carlos de Bestegui. (Back to text.)
16. Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 73, sold for £183 15s. Later in the Wynn Ellis collection. Untraced. (Back to text.)
17. Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 70, sold for £304 10s. (Back to text.)
18. The ‘grapes’ were perhaps no. 4 in the Huls sale cited in note 4 above. S. Verelst is mistranscribed by Vertue or his editor as J. Verelst. For Verelst’s reputation see Chong and Kloek 1999, p. 262. (Back to text.)
19. Sold at Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 3, for £19 9s. 6d. It is mentioned in the letter cited in note 9 above. (Back to text.)
20. Details of the reform in question have apparently never been published. It was part of an Act for ‘paying off and cancelling One Million of Exchequer Bills, and to give Ease to the South Sea Company’, together with ‘Relief for the sufferers at Nevis and Saint Christopher’s, by the invasion of the French’ and an increase in duty on imported apples. After 25 March 1722 the duty on pictures was to be £3 for anything in excess of 4 ft square, 40s. for anything smaller but larger than 2 ft square, and 20s. for pictures smaller than 2 ft square – an additional Act was passed three years later clarifying that 4 square ft or upwards was equivalent of 16 superficial feet, and so on. See The Statutes at large 1811, VIII, pp. 516–17 (8G c.20) and pp. 688–9 (11G c.7). The law was repealed (20G.3.c.13 para 31). (Back to text.)
21. Brodrick MSS, VI, fols 86–7. (Back to text.)
22. Ibid. , 22 Dec. 1724, fols 110–13. (Back to text.)
23. He returned to London (which he had left on account of his debts) in 1735 and died there in 1754. See Haskell 1980, pp. 287–92, 405–6. (Back to text.)
25. Ibid. , 19 Jan. 1725(4), fols 127–8. (Back to text.)
26. Ibid. , 22 April 1725, fols 205–6. The letter is addressed to ‘Mr Brodrick a gentleman at Venice to be left with Mr Smith an English Merchant at Venice’. The assurances come in the young man’s letter of 21 March 1725 from Rome, misplaced in the MS volume at fols 403–4. (Back to text.)
27. Ibid. , fols 205–6. (Back to text.)
28. Ibid. , fols 245–6 (1 June from Parma). (Back to text.)
29. Ibid. , fols 219–20 (4 May 1725, from Leghorn). (Back to text.)
30. There is a memorandum of money spent in Italy given in Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. The prices converted as follows: £39 for Balestra, £105 for Pasinelli, £35 for Carracci, £25 4s. 4d. for Cignani, £31 for Luti, £59 5s. 4d. for Poussin. (Back to text.)
31. 26 Oct. 1945, lot 4, bought Wengraf for 17 guineas. The anonymous portrait by Rosalba, lot 3, is likely to be one identified in an eighteenth‐century inventory as of the father of Albinia Townshend, 3rd Viscountess Midleton. (Back to text.)
32. Baroncini 1993, pp. 244–7, no. 40 (with wrong provenance). (Back to text.)
33. Windsor, RCIN 11984. Rosenberg and Prat 1994, I, pp. 68–9, no. 36. (Back to text.)
34. However, this painting more probably corresponds with lot 32, 26 Oct. 1945, where the figures are ‘peasants’. (Back to text.)
35. Rough drawings for the hang in the drawing room, Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. (Back to text.)
36. A ‘Carlo Chignani’ of a shepherd with dogs is in Simpson’s list in ibid. No painting of this subject (Adonis or shepherd) is recorded in Buscaroli Fabbri. (Back to text.)
37. Presumably the ‘Rebecca at the Well’ by ‘La Foce’ in Simpson’s lists. There was also a pair of heads of women with mirrors by Luti in the collection. (Back to text.)
38. Brodrick MSS, VI, fol. 395, 10 March 1726. (Back to text.)
39. Will dated 5 Aug. 1728. Proved July 1731. Prob 11/640, sig. 272. The bust is recorded in a Country Life photograph (pl. 3, p. 1004 of Tipping 1925). (Back to text.)
40. Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. (Back to text.)
41. Ibid. (Back to text.)
42. Ibid. (a, b) (Back to text.)
43. Genealogical Memoranda, 1872 (see note 1). (Back to text.)
44. Harris 1970, pp. 240–1. (Back to text.)
45. Tipping 1925, pp. 1002–9 (Wilton’s bill is cited on p. 1007). (Back to text.)
46. Ibid. , p. 1008, citing MS material that has, it seems, vanished. (Back to text.)
47. Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. (Back to text.)
48. Tipping 1925. (Back to text.)
49. For Mares and Foals see Egerton 2007, no. 62, p. 212. It was sold by the 2nd Earl to the Tate Gallery in 1959. The other pictures were lots 34 and 35 at Christie’s, 26 Oct. 1945. Lot 34, The Tigers, exhibited by Stubbs as Tygers at Play, is one of several versions of a painting of juvenile leopards now in a private collection ( ibid. , no. 122, p. 308). Lot 35, the Hound attacking a Stag, is now in the Philadelphia Museum of Art ( ibid. , no. 41, p. 182). These can be considered as pendants: they are both sized 101.5 × 127 cm (the latter a fraction less). The Mares and Foals was the same height but slightly more than 1 ft longer and so for a larger, perhaps central, door. By 1925 Mares and Foals had been moved to above the drawing room chimney (Tipping 1925, p. 1008). Egerton did not consider these paintings as a group and did not feel it was certain that they were overdoors; the archival evidence is, in fact, conclusive. (Back to text.)
50. Simpson was established as a restorer in the previous decade. He worked for the crown among other eminent clients. [Simon] 2009, pp. 110–11. (Back to text.)
51. Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. It does not include the pictures by Stubbs, for obvious reasons, and there may have been others not sent. (Back to text.)
52. The Complete Peerage (under Midleton). Watkin 1974, p. 182, says she had been his mother’s laundrymaid. (Back to text.)
53. Miscellaneous MS letters and drafts in Peper‐Harow MSS, box 67, bundle 1. See also Stanton 1971, p. 173. (Back to text.)
54. Watkin 1974, pp. 181–2, 253. (Back to text.)
55. For Barberi, see Penny 1992, I, pp. 12–13, no. 10. Bills are included in Peper‐Harow MSS, box 67, bundle 4. See also Christie’s sale, 31 July 1851, lots 88–95. (Back to text.)
56. 1902 MS Memoir, fols 106–8. The Private Act of Parliament is given in a Collection of Private Acts printed by the Queen’s printer, London 1850, pp. 363–472 (13 × 14 Vic.c.13). It gave effect to a compromise to ‘avoid protracted and multifarious litigation, occupying a long period of time, and occasioning a ruinous expenditure of money’, agreed between the various parties on 4 April 1850. The several wills of the 5th Viscount Midleton had distinguished the works of art at Peper‐Harow in different ways. Thus in the will of 13 May 1847 family pictures, prints and busts listed were to be treated as heirlooms, whereas on 14 May 1848 portraits and busts are distinguished from paintings generally. The chief source of litigation must have been Frederica Harriet Rushbrooke (and her unborn issue), who not only received a vast bequest [page 484](£20,000 with £10,000 to her family) in his last will but was also to receive the jewels, diamonds and corals of his estranged wife on the occasion of her death! (Back to text.)
57. Christie’s, 20 March 1852, lots 214 and 215. This was an insignificant sale and it was a foolish move to offer them in it. (Back to text.)
58. Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 15, sold to Fuller. (Perhaps subsequently in Lord Northwick’s collection, sold Christie’s, 29 Oct. 1965, lot 54; Spear 1982, p. 237, no. 84. If so, then it measured 123 × 181 cm.) (Back to text.)
59. Christie’s, 31 July 1851, lot 74. (Back to text.)
60. Ibid. , lot 48. (Back to text.)
61. 1902 MS Memoir, fols 190–2. (Back to text.)
62. MS ‘list of pictures at present in Peper Harow House 1861’ in Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. There is also a key showing the hang. (Back to text.)
63. Untraced. Perhaps Fioravanti Baraldi 1993, p. 247, no.181 (sold Sotheby’s, London, 24 May 1972, lot 148). (Back to text.)
64. Peper‐Harow MSS, box 43. Neil’s undertaking is dated 24 Dec. 1870; his bill is dated 13 June 1872. He moved in this period from Chester Square, Pimlico to 72 Piccadilly. I know of no other record of Neil. (Back to text.)
65. Rutley’s professional address was the Reynolds Gallery, 5 Great Newport Street. Work was undertaken between Feb. 1890 and May 1891. There were four generations of Rutley active as dealers and restorers in London. The Rutley in question is John Lewis Rutley junior (1877–1914). [Simon] 2009, pp. 103–4. (Back to text.)
66. Christie’s, 26 June 1964, lots 61–7; also 3 July 1964, lots 57–8 and 2 Dec. 1964, lot 22. (Back to text.)
67. Christie’s, 17 March 1967, lots 89–91; 21 April 1967, lots 59–60 (the Garofalo was lot 60); 12 May 1967, lot 53 (the Van de Velde); 16 Nov. 1967, lots 131–2. (Back to text.)
List of archive references cited
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, 1248/6 (Brodrick MSS, vol. VI), fols 110–13: Alan Brodrick, later 2nd Viscount Midleton, letter to Thomas Brodrick, from Venice, 22 December 1724
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, 1248/6 (Brodrick MSS, vol. VI), fols 205–6: Thomas Brodrick, letter to Alan Brodrick, later 2nd Viscount Midleton, 22 April 1725
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, 1248/30 (Brodrick MSS, vol. XXX): William Brodrick, 8th Viscount Midleton, memoir, August 1902
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, G145, box 43: Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc.
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, G145, box 43: Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc., insurance valuation of the Midleton collection, November 1762
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, G145, box 43: Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc., rough drawings for the hang of paintings in the Great Drawing Room, Peper‐Harow House
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, G145, box 43: Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc., George Simpson, bill for cleaning and reframing pictures in the Midleton collection, November 1756
- Woking, Surrey History Centre, G145, box 43: Pictures at Peper‐Harow etc., Albinia Townshend, Dowager Viscountess Midleton, annotated MS catalogue of the Brodrick Collection, probabaly at Great Marlborough Street, late 1765
List of references cited
- Ariosto 1975-7
- Ariosto, Ludovico, Orlando Furioso, trans. Barbara Reynolds, 2 vols, Harmondsworth 1975–7
- Ballarin and Romani 1999
- Ballarin, Alessandro and Vittoria Romani, Dosso Dossi e le favole antiche: il Risveglio di Venere, Bologna 1999
- Baraldi 2004
- Baraldi, Fioravanti, Gli Este a Ferrara (exh. cat. Castello di Ferrara, Ferrara), 2004
- Baroncini 1993
- Baroncini, Carmela, Lorenzo Pasinelli, Faenza 1993
- Bembo 1530
- Bembo, Pietro, Rime, Venice 1530
- Boiardo 1495
- Boiardo, Matteo Maria, Orlando Innamorato, 1495
- Borean 1998
- Borean, Linda, ‘‘“Ricchezze virtuose”; il collezionismo privato a Venezia nel Seicento (1630–1700)’’ (PhD thesis), Università degli Studi di Udine, 1998
- Campbell 1998
- Campbell, Lorne, National Gallery Catalogues: The Fifteenth Century Netherlandish Schools, London 1998
- Chastel 1976
- Chastel, André, ‘L’ardita capra’, Arte Veneta, 1975 (1976), XXIX, 46–9
- Chong and Kloek 1999
- Chong, Alan and Wouter Kloek, Still‐Life Paintings from the Netherlands 1550–1720 (exh. cat. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, and Cleveland Museum of Art, Ohio), Zwolle 1999
- Cordellier and Py 1992
- Cordellier, Dominique and Bernadette Py, Raphaël, son atelier, ses copistes, Inventaire générale des Dessins Italiens, V, Paris, Musée du Louvre, 1992
- DBI
- Ghisalberti, Alberto M., ed., DBI (Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani), 83 vols, Rome 1960–2015
- De Grazia Bohlin 1979
- De Grazia Bohlin, Diane, Prints and Related Drawings by the Carracci Family, Washington, National Gallery of Art, 1979
- Dukelskaya and Moore 2002
- Dukelskaya, Clarissa and Andrew Moore, eds, A Capital Collection: Houghton Hall and the Hermitage, New Haven and London 2002
- Dunkerton, Penny and Spring 2002
- Dunkerton, Jill, Nicholas Penny and Marika Spring, ‘The technique of Garofalo’s paintings at the National Gallery’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 2002, XXIII, 20–41
- Egerton 2007
- Egerton, Judy, George Stubbs, Painter: Catalogue raisonné, New Haven and London 2007
- Emiliani 1985
- Emiliani, Andrea, Federico Barocci, 2 vols, Bologna 1985
- Fioravanti Baraldi 1993
- Fioravanti Baraldi, Anna Maria, Il Garofalo: Benvenuto Tisi pittore (c.1476–1559): catalogo generale, Rimini 1993
- Fiorenza 2008
- Fiorenza, Giancarlo, Dossi Dossi: Paintings of Myth, Magic and the Antique, University Park, Pennsylvania 2008
- Genealogical Memoranda 1872
- Genealogical memoranda relating to the family of Brodrick (privately printed), 1872
- Gould 1975
- Gould, Cecil, National Gallery Catalogues: The Sixteenth‐Century Italian Schools, London 1975 (repr., 1987)
- Gudlaugsson 1960
- Gudlaugsson, Sturla J., Katalog der Gemälde Gerard ter Borch, 2 vols, The Hague 1960
- Harris 1970
- Harris, John, Sir William Chambers, London 1970
- Haskell 1980
- Haskell, Francis, Patrons and Painters, rev. and enlarged edn, New Haven and London 1980 (1st edn, 1963)
- Hédouin 1847
- Hédouin, Pierre, ‘Memling: étude sur la vie et les ouvrages de ce peintre, suivie du catalogue de ses tableaux’, Annales archéologiques, 1847, VI, 256–78
- Humfrey 1993
- Humfrey, Peter, The Altarpiece in Renaissance Venice, London and New Haven 1993
- Kustodieva and Lucco 2008
- Kustodieva, Tatyana and Mauro Lucco, eds, Garofalo: pittore della Ferrara estense (exh. cat. Castello Estense, Ferrara), Milan 2008
- Lucretius
- Lucretius, De rerum natura, Book 1
- Mazzotta 2012
- Mazzotta, Antonio, Titian: A Fresh Look at Nature, London 2012
- Midleton
- Midleton, The 5th Viscount, The Complete Peerage
- Oberhuber 1999
- Oberhuber, Konrad, ed., Roma e lo stile classico di Raffaello, 1515–1527 (exh. cat. Palazzo Te, Mantua and Graphisch Sammunlung Albertina, Vienna), Milan 1999
- Ovid, Fasti
- Ovid, Fasti, trans. Sir J.G. Frazer, Cambridge, Mass. and London 1931 (reprint, 1967)
- Pattanaro 2007
- Pattanaro, Alessandra, ed., ‘Dosso Dossi e la pittura a Ferrara negli anni del ducato di Alfonso I. Il camerino delle pitture’, in Il camerino delle pitture di Alfonso I, Alessandro Ballarin (Atti del Convegno, Padua, May 2001), 6 vols, Cittadella, Padua 2002–7, VI, 2007
- Penny 1992c
- Penny, Nicholas, Catalogue of Sculpture in the Ashmolean, 1540 to the Present Day, 3 vols, Oxford 1992
- Penny 2008
- Penny, Nicholas, National Gallery Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings, Volume II, Venice 1540–1600, London 2008
- Piot 1863
- Piot, Eugène, Le Cabinet de l’amateur, Paris 1863
- Rosenberg and Prat 1994
- Rosenberg, Pierre and Louis‐Antoine Prat, Nicolas Poussin 1594–1665: Catalogue raisonné des dessins, 2 vols, Milan 1994
- Schumacher 2006
- Schumacher, Birgit, Philips Wouwerman, 2 vols, Doornspijk 2006
- Schwarzenberg 1967
- Schwarzenberg, Erkinger, ‘Le lunette della stanza del tesoro nel palazzo di Ludovico il Moro a Ferrara’, in Atti e memorie Deputazione Provinciale Ferrarese di Storia Patria, 1967, ser. 3, VI, 45–96
- Shearman 1983
- Shearman, John, The Early Italian Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty the Queen, Cambridge 1983
- Simon 2009
- [Simon, Jacob], British Picture Restorers 1600–1950 (National Portrait Gallery online dictionary), http://www.npg.org.uk/research/programmes/directory-of-british-picture-restorers, revised edn, March 2009
- Spenser 1590
- Spenser, Edmund, The faerie queene, London 1590
- Stanton 1971
- Stanton, Phoebe, Pugin, London 1971
- The Statutes at large 1811
- The Statutes at large of England and Great‐Britain, 20 vols, London 1811
- Tipping 1925
- Tipping, H. Avray, ‘Peper‐Harow, Surrey’, Country Life, 26 Dec. 1925, 1002–9
- Typotius 1603
- Typotius, Jacobus, Symbola Divina et Humana Ponticum, Imperatorum, Regum, III, Symbola varia diversorum principum, Prague 1603
- Vertue 1929–55
- Vertue, George, ‘Note Books: [vol. I]’, The Walpole Society, Oxford 1929–1930, XVIII; ‘[vol. II]’, 1931–1932, XX; ‘[vol. III]’, 1933–1934, XXII; ‘[vol. IV]’, 1935–1936, XXIV; ‘[vol. V]’, 1937–1938, XXVI; ‘[index to vols I–V]’, 1940–1942 (published 1947), XXIX; ‘[vol. VI, including index]’, 1951–1952 (published 1955), XXX
- Watkin 1974
- Watkin, David, C.R. Cockerell, London 1974
- Weber 2002
- Weber, Gregor J.M., Il Trionfo di Bacco: capolavori della scuola ferrarese a Dresda, Turin 2002
- Wind 1958
- Wind, Edgar, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance (1958), London 1967
List of exhibitions cited
- Brussels 2003–2004
- Brussels, Musées Royaux des Beaux‐Arts de Belgique, Ferrara: Gli Este e L’Europa, 1 October 2003–4 January 2004
- Edinburgh 1860–1932
- Edinburgh, National Gallery of Scotland, long‐term loan, 1860–5 October 1932
- Leicester 1935
- Leicester, Leicestershire Museum and Art Gallery, Italian Paintings, 12 April–9 November 1935
A note on authorship
I first began to draft entries on the Ferrarese paintings catalogued here in about 1995. Shortly thereafter Carol Plazzotta, then a new recruit to the curatorial department who was working under my guidance, carried out some research in Italy. By the turn of the century I had decided to concentrate on other areas – Bergamo, Brescia and Cremona and, later, Venice – in the first two National Gallery catalogues of the sixteenth‐century Italian paintings, which were published in 2004 and 2008. I returned to the artists of Ferrara, with the resolution of including Bologna in the same volume, not long before I was appointed Director of the National Gallery in 2008. But as Director I hardly ever found more than an hour on any weekday for pursuing work on the catalogue and, although I found that it was possible to achieve a surprising amount in the evenings and at weekends, I soon realised that I would need a collaborator who would be qualified to work in Italian archives, and to review recent publications – someone also with a keen eye, a lively curiosity – and the ability to read my handwritten notes. Giorgia Mancini was chosen for this task, and her contribution has been substantial, especially, but by no means only, on account of the archival discoveries she made which have transformed our understanding of several of the major paintings catalogued here.
In the majority of cases Giorgia was responsible for the preliminary draft of a catalogue entry, artist’s biography or appendix on a collector, and my contribution has consisted in revising and sometimes reordering her work, sometimes contracting and at other times extending the information, interpretations and arguments she advanced. Those sections written by me both before and after her involvement have all benefited from her critical attention. She alone is responsible for those appendices in the catalogue entries which provide transcriptions of Italian or Latin texts. The only parts of the catalogue of which I am the sole author are the Introduction, most of the entries for Garofalo and the Appendices devoted to the Buonvisi, Lucca and Midleton collections.
As Gabriele Finaldi has emphasised in his Foreword, a work of this kind is collaborative in a broader sense, and very large contributions have been made by Marika Spring, head of the Scientific Department, and Rachel Billinge in the Conservation Department. They undertook the examinations and supplied the text for the technical preliminaries of each entry, and patiently and meticulously reviewed and improved the revisions we sometimes made.
Nicholas Penny
[page 10]
Garofalo, The Holy Family with Saints Elizabeth, Zacharias, John the Baptist (and Francis?) (NG 170), detail (© The National Gallery, London)

Map of North Italy showing places mentioned in the text. Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs

Artwork: Martin Lubokowski at ML Designs
The Scope and Presentation of the Catalogue
The majority of the National Gallery’s collection catalogues are devoted to the art of one century and one region. Several artists who were active in the fifteenth century as well as in the sixteenth – notably Costa and Francia – are nevertheless included here. It was tempting to make an exception and to catalogue all the Ferrarese painters of both centuries together, thus including Tura and Cossa, whose work did indeed influence the early paintings of Costa and Francia. However, it would be misleading to break the pattern established for the other catalogues of the collection. Moreover, it was essential to combine entries for artists active in Ferrara with entries for those active in Bologna, given the way that artists moved between these cities. We have added entries on artists working in the Romagna and this makes a book of convenient size. Any future catalogue of the works by Raphael and his followers in the National Gallery will form an instructive parallel to this one.
We could, of course, have legitimately included Correggio and Parmigianino – artists who are extremely well represented in the National Gallery – but their paintings would, together with that by Nicolo dell’Abate, make another, somewhat smaller, volume. No division will ever be perfect and a case could be made for including Boccaccino here – but an even stronger case was made for including him in the catalogue of paintings from Bergamo, Brescia and Cremona (published in 2004).
As with the earlier two volumes of sixteenth‐century Italian paintings, the entries are divided into more sections than has previously been the case in the National Gallery’s catalogues. This acknowledges the fact that catalogues are more often consulted than read – and often only consulted for a single, relatively narrow, purpose. It also has the advantage of preparing the text for future incorporation, in one form or another, in the Gallery’s website. A measure of repetition is an unavoidable consequence of this policy, especially in the way that information in the discursive account of previous owners is often reiterated in the succinctly tabulated section on provenance.
Each entry includes some account of the painting’s current frame and, when possible, previous frames are recorded, although fewer have been illustrated than was the case in the previous two catalogues. Priority has been given here to illustrating frames chosen or designed for the paintings by collectors, or by the Gallery itself, in the nineteenth century. Such frames are still neglected, even by experts in this field. We make no apology for attempting to satisfy the curiosity of relatively few scholars – it is indeed our hope that we are of assistance to many minorities in the scholarly world.
It seemed more valuable to collect the exhibition history of these paintings together (p. 517) rather than to list it separately in each entry. The first of two lists records loans made by the Gallery to regional or other national museums either as long‐term loans or as touring exhibitions (both of which were organised after the First World War by the Arts Council). It may be of interest to record the opportunity to see Mazzolino in Bradford in the 1930s but the more obvious value of this list is as a register of those works that were regarded as of secondary significance. (It has always been obvious that both Garofalo and Mazzolino are more than adequately represented in Trafalgar Square.) The second list is of loans made internationally. In these cases catalogues of the exhibitions have contributed to the literature on the paintings and as such are usually acknowledged in the catalogue entries.
A list of changed attributions is also provided (p. 516). It reveals, as usual, that doubt has sometimes been removed and sometimes added, but several changes are we believe decisive – we assign NG 3102 to the young Garofalo; NG 73 to Panizzati; NG 3103 and 3104 to Pisano. And perhaps most importantly, after years of hesitation, we have dismissed the idea that Maineri may have been partly responsible for the Strozzi Altarpiece (NG 1119), as was proposed by one of the greatest connoisseurs this country has ever known.
The techniques of analysis abbreviated by our colleagues in the Scientific and Conservation departments are listed on p. 489 near the abbreviations we have employed for archives. Many references are made to the National Gallery’s own archives which may be consulted in the Gallery’s Research Centre where the dossiers on the paintings are also kept. Conservation dossiers are, however, housed in the Conservation Department.
About this version
Version 2, generated from files GM_NP_2016__16.xml dated 02/03/2025 and database__16.xml dated 02/03/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Structural mark-up applied to skeleton document in full; document updated to use external database of archival and bibliographic references; entries for NG81, NG82, NG179-NG180, NG218, NG669, NG1234, NG1362, NG2083, NG2486, NG3892 and NG4032 prepared for publication, proofread and corrected.
Cite this entry
- Permalink (this version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DWM-000B-0000-0000
- Permalink (latest version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DCE-000B-0000-0000
- Chicago style
- Penny, Nicholas. “NG 1362, Two Couples with Cupid”. 2016, online version 2, March 2, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DWM-000B-0000-0000.
- Harvard style
- Penny, Nicholas (2016) NG 1362, Two Couples with Cupid. Online version 2, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DWM-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 31 March 2025).
- MHRA style
- Penny, Nicholas, NG 1362, Two Couples with Cupid (National Gallery, 2016; online version 2, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0DWM-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 31 March 2025]