Catalogue entry
Louis‐Léopold Boilly 1761–1845
NG 5583
A Girl at a Window
2018
,Extracted from:
Humphrey Wine, The Eighteenth Century French Paintings (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2018).
Humphrey Wine and Virginia Napoleone, Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings in the National Gallery:
Appendix to ‘The National Gallery Catalogues: The Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings’ (London: National Gallery Company, 2018).

© The National Gallery, London
c. 1799–1802
Oil on canvas, 54.9 × 45.5 cm
Signed on the imitation mount: L. Boilly; and again, but perhaps falsely, within the body of the image at lower left: Boilly (see Technical Notes)
Provenance
Apparently from Russia;1 bought for 8,000 francs from Galerie Seligmann on 7 February 1898 by Count Moïse de Camondo, Paris, and resold by him to Galerie Seligmann on 28 May 1898 at the same price, in part payment for a commode by Pierre Garnier now in the Musée Nissim de Camondo;2 sale of Ernest William Beckett, 2nd Baron Grimthorpe,3 Christie, Manson & Woods, London, 12 May 1906, lot 14, £168 to Galerie Seligmann;4 possibly acquired by Consuelo, Duchess of Manchester (née Yznaga) (1853?–1909), in which case presumably passed from her to her sister Emilie Yznaga (1859?–1944) or otherwise acquired directly by Emilie Yznaga, in whose possession it was by 1930 when she lent it to Paris 1930 (see under Exhibitions); given by her to the Gallery in 1937 as part of the Yznaga Gift.5
Exhibitions
Paris 1930c (59); London and Liverpool 1989 (15); London 1993; Fort Worth and Washington 1995–6 (pl. 1, pp. 167, 168); Stockholm 2008–9 (91); Lille 2011–12 (186).
Related Works
- (1) No. 28 of the 1799 Paris Salon was described as ‘Tableau représentant une jeune femme assise sur l’appui d’une croisée: près d’elle un enfant qui regarde dans un télescope’.6 Although this apparently describes NG 5583, a contemporary comment suggests that the picture exhibited was not a grisaille.7 More likely the painting exhibited at the 1799 salon (whereabouts unknown) was that bought by Nicolai Demidoff, Count of San Donato, in Paris in 1802, which according to its description was painted in colour.8
Technical Notes
In good condition overall, but there are some cracks and occlusions in the ground. There are a few scattered losses and a small scuff just above the birdcage. The support, a fine plain‐weave canvas, has not been cut down but the tacking edges have been removed, probably when the picture was first lined (at an unknown date). The painting was cleaned, lined and restored in 1991. The former lining canvas had a Paris customs stamp on it, and a much destroyed or otherwise illegible label written in ink in a nineteenth‐century (?) hand: ‘p… / Mr… Loui…’.
The stretcher is probably not the original. The central horizontal bar is inscribed in brush and ink: ‘Yznaga’, and, according to a photograph taken at the time when NG 5583 was last restored, in crayon along the top bar: ‘… rue de Grenelle’.
There were two labels on the stretcher, both now removed:
- (1) a label, itself gummed over a hexagonal label of which only part of the border is visible, on which is printed: ‘Socié[té ] [?]…/ Jui[n] [?]…1930/ M.M. Jacques Seligmann & Fils / Ancien Hôtel de Sagan / 57, rue Sainte‐Dominique – Paris’, and on which is inscribed in one hand: ‘… moisell. Yznaga No. 59’, and in another hand: ‘Collection Ld. Grimchope / Grimchope [sic]’
- (2) a fragment of a printed label: ‘…cr… / … Envelope…’ on which is typed ‘…s the property of t[he National] [?]/ [Galle] [?]ry of England Lo[ndon] [?]…’.
The thick white ground, presumably applied to mask the canvas weave to better imitate a print, has prevented any X‐radiograph images being readable. Infrared reflectography [page 44] shows small pencil (?) marks down the left and right sides of the main image.10 They are now covered with the white paint of that image’s border. The pencil marks are parallel to each other and in line with the painted horizontal joints of the stone blocks forming the window opening, an indication that Boilly took care to ensure that the window was correctly constructed. Although there is no reason to doubt the signature ‘L. Boilly’ on the imitation mount, when the picture was cleaned and restored in 1991 the signature ‘Boilly’ within the area of the imitation print was, as Paul Ackroyd observed, found to have been added with the varnish. It may therefore not be original, but if NG 5583 remained in the studio for some years, Boilly may have himself re‐varnished it, adding the signature then. In addition, since the signature on the mount is obvious, it is difficult to understand what might have been gained by adding a second, false signature. One might ask why Boilly should have added a second signature at all, but, for whatever reason, he did so on another grisaille, Les Deux Savoyards (Paris, private collection), which is signed lower left ‘L. Boily pinxit’ and lower right ‘L.B. Sculpt.’

Louis‐Léopold Boilly, The Triumph of Amphitrite, 1785, detail. Oil on paper, 20.4 × 45.5 cm. France, Private collection. PRIVATE COLLECTIONS © Photo courtesy of Guillaume Benoit

Louis‐Léopold Boilly, Studies of Hands, Arms and the Head of a Sleeping Child, about 1798. Black chalk with white highlights on beige paper, 18 × 41 cm. Paris, Musée du Louvre. PARIS Musée du Louvre © RMN‐Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) / Michel Urtado
There is a visible small correction in the blue‐grey pigment at the top right of the window ledge.
Discussion
This painting is a grisaille made in imitation of a print after one of Boilly’s own compositions. Although the main image has a pale blue ‘wash’ surround, as for example in Boilly’s variant grisaille after his Portrait de Mme Teresa Tallien (private collection),11 it is difficult to agree with Harrisse, who claimed that the surround was intended as a trompe l’oeil.12 Boilly was an expert in trompe l’oeil and there is nothing in the image – such as a fictive curling or creased corner, or an appearance of foxing, or a supposedly broken glass appearing to cover the print – that might fool a viewer into thinking it was an actual print.13 The painting of the surround does not allow for any deception because it does not, for example, share with Boilly’s Ah! Ça ira (Saint‐Omer, Musée de l’Hôtel Sandelin)14 or IIème Scène de Voleurs (Williamstown, Clark Art Institute)15 a title painted by the artist where one might expect the title of an actual print.
Boilly made grisaille versions of existing paintings throughout his career.16 Examples include one of his earliest paintings, a trompe‐l’oeil ‘engraving’ after Guido Reni made in 1778,17 and a grisaille, probably of 1814, after Le triomphe de Bonaparte by Pierre‐Paul Prud’hon, which had been exhibited at the 1801 Salon.18 Boilly also made grisaille repetitions of his own work, for example Les coeurs reconnaissants (1790; private collection) after his full colour La Bonté de la duchesse d’Orléans;19 Le Cadeau délicat (1793 Salon);20 Mes Petits Soldats (1809; Douai, Musée de la Chartreuse);21 its pendant, Les Petites Coquettes (private collection); and, also of 1809, Les Galeries du Palais Royal (Paris, Musée Carnavalet), the original of which (probably destroyed 1871) had been exhibited at the 1804 Salon.22 In this case NG 5583 is probably a repetition of the work Boilly exhibited at the 1799 Salon (see under Related Works) rather than the other way round. Unlike prints, which usually mirrored their relative paintings, Boilly’s grisailles were for the most part made in the same direction, even when, as in the case for example of La bonté de la duchesse d’Orléans, they otherwise overtly mimicked prints.23 The 1802 description of the presumed colour version of NG 5583 (see note 8) confirms the presumption that they were executed in the same direction.
In terms of its subject matter, its composition and its highly finished execution, NG 5583 looks back to a tradition of seventeenth‐century Dutch fijnschilder paintings of figures seen at a window. These were greatly appreciated in eighteenth‐century France,24 especially towards and around the end of the century.25 French collections contained a number of examples by, among others, Gerrit Dou, Caspar Netscher and Frans van Mieris of pictures showing figures and objects framed by, and apparently projecting through, a fictive window space. Such paintings frequently included a carved bas‐relief below the windowsill, often of putti with a goat after a marble relief by François Duquesnoy26 or a birdcage hanging from the window reveal, as in NG 5583.27 Whether or not Boilly had access to paintings of this kind in private collections,28 he was doubtless aware of Jean‐Baptiste‐Pierre Le Brun’s Galerie des peintres flamands, hollandais et allemands published in Paris in three volumes in 1792–6. This book included a number of prints of paintings of this kind by Dou, Van Mieris, Metsu and Netscher, including, for example, a print in reverse by Mathieu Blot (fig. 3) after a version of Van Mieris’s highly popular composition A Boy blowing [page 45] [page 46]Bubbles.29 In addition, in the early spring of 1796 he would presumably have seen exhibited in Paris both Un Jeune homme à la fenêtre, sonnant de la trompette by Dou and Willem van Mieris’s La Cuisinière (Paris, Louvre).30 Furthermore in April 1799, hence only months prior to the opening of the 1799 Salon at which the first version of NG 5583 was exhibited, another version of Frans van Mieris’s A Boy blowing Bubbles, namely the one confiscated in 1795 from Willem V in the Hague and now in the Mauritshuis, was exhibited at the Musée central des Arts.31 Certainly Boilly’s indebtedness to his Dutch predecessors was recognised by contemporaries,32 and NG 5583 shares with their pictures such motifs as male and female figures seen through an open window, objects protruding over the window ledge and a birdcage. La Cuisinière, like NG 5583, includes a carved bas‐relief below the ledge, with a bunch of root vegetables. Some of these characteristics are shared with another (polychrome) oil painting by Boilly, Two Girls at a Window above a Relief of Putti with a Bottle in a Basket, Jar and Fruit on the Sill (Paris, private collection, 40.6 × 31.8 cm) which was painted in or before 1802.33 That composition is on panel, and its size differs from what would be the size of NG 5583 were the ‘mount’ and ‘border’ to be removed so as to mimic an assumed size for the 1799 Salon version of NG 5583, namely about 43.6 × 36.6 cm. In addition, the height of NG 5583 after such an assumed reduction is 120 per cent of its width, whereas the height of Two Girls at a Window is 127 per cent of its width. Consequently Two Girls at a Window was probably not a pendant to, or part of a set of the Senses with,34 the Salon version of NG 5583.

Mathieu Blot after Frans van Mieris, A Boy blowing Bubbles, about 1780. Engraving, 23.6 × 17.7 cm. London, Wellcome Trust. LONDON Wellcome Collection © Wellcome Trust Photographic Library
If the prompt for the creation of the Salon painting was not, or not directly, the exhibition of any of these Dutch paintings, or prints after them, it may have been the exhibition of such compositions by Boilly’s friend Martin Drolling, with whom he was compared.35 Drolling had exhibited three paintings of figures at windows at the 1795 Salon, including Un jeune Enfant à une croisée, tenant un panier de fruits et de raisins36 and Une jeune femme assise sur une croisée, jouant de la guitarre, à côté d’elle un petit garçon tenant un bouquet de roses.37 As with Boilly’s pictures, the indebtedness of Drolling’s paintings to their Dutch predecessors was recognised in contemporary comment.38 Drolling also exhibited at the 1798 Salon a picture referred to in the livret as ‘Un jeune homme et une jeune femme, aperçus par une fenêtre, se disposent à faire de la musique’ (quite possibly the painting recently on the art market signed and dated ‘Drolling f. an. 5’, that is, during the year beginning 22 September 1796) (fig. 4).39 One may speculate that the version of NG 5583 exhibited at the Salon immediately following was Boilly’s friendly riposte to Drolling. Like Drolling’s painting, it included an element of the traditional paragone between painting and sculpture, a bas‐relief in the case of the Boilly, sculpted terracotta urns in the case of the Drolling, but whereas the Drolling focused on the sense of sound (guitar, flute, French horn, sheet music), Boilly focused on the sense of sight (two telescopes, a lorgnette, which was the object of special study by the artist,40 and the fish bowl). At the next Salon, in 1800, Drolling in turn exhibited Painting and Music: Portrait of the Artist’s Son (Los Angeles County Museum of Art). This was yet another picture with a figure looking through a window reminiscent of Dutch pictures and which, besides being a family portrait, has been seen as an allegory of painting and music.41

Martin Drolling, A Young Lady reaching for a Guitar at a Stone Casement and a Boy playing the Flute, 1797. Oil on canvas, 117 × 96.5 cm. Private collection. PRIVATE COLLECTIONS © Christie’s Images / Bridgeman Images
It is tempting to suppose that NG 5583 was itself a continuation of a friendly rivalry between Boilly and Drolling. In the first place in its imitation of a print it asserts the ability of painting, unlike music, to be reproduced in a permanent manner. In the second place the way Boilly painted the ‘surround’ as well as his use of grisaille arguably subverts the illusionism of window‐frame paintings by the Dutch and their late imitators, such as Drolling – and on other occasions Boilly himself. However, such a supposition only begins to be sustainable if NG 5583 quickly followed the Drolling, and for the time being its date of execution is unknown. In any event Boilly often made grisaille versions of his own polychrome oil paintings, sometimes several years later. Recently it has been suggested that NG 5583 is one of a number of works by Boilly about a different kind of game, namely that of women both presenting themselves as objects of desire and making viewers participate in the picture by returning their gaze.42 Just as this young woman is the subject of scrutiny by the Salon visitor, so perhaps it is the Salon visitors who are subject to scrutiny by the young woman – they are, so to speak, the fish in the bowl. Both hypotheses would be consistent with Boilly’s interest in optics, which he shared with his Dutch precursors and which is evidenced by family inventories of 1795 and 1819.43 The second of these describes [page 47]three telescopes, none of which, however, can be securely identified with those in NG 5583.44
The motif of the boy looking through a telescope may have originated in the iconography of a painting proposed in the early 1790s for Boilly’s patron Antoine Calvet de Lapalun but apparently never executed. This was to have been called L’Espiègle, having as its principal figure ‘Un jeune homme [qui] regarde des objets éloignés avec un télescope, à travers une fenestre ouverte’ (‘A young man looking at distant objects through an open window with a telescope’).45 It is likely that both telescopes in NG 5583 could have accommodated interchangeable eyepieces and so could have been used in either astronomical or terrestrial mode, although that on the left, which is of a standard type for the time, is primarily for astronomical use, and that on the right primarily for terrestrial use, usually by a mariner. The best telescopes were made of wood and brass by 1799: it is not clear of what the telescope on the left is made, but if of vellum or leather it would have been from the third rather than the last quarter of the eighteenth century.46 The goldfish bowl, although apparently not English, is similar in shape, albeit with a narrower neck, to one of the last decade of the eighteenth century and of a type for which an English mahogany goldfish bowl stand is known. Goldfish were popular in England by 1750 and sometime later in France.47
As well as attesting to Boilly’s personal interest in optics, shared by Parisian amateurs from the 1780s,48 the telescope motif may have resonated with his contemporaries on account of the observation and recording of stars at the Paris Observatoire from about 1777. Around a thousand stars were published by Jérôme Le Français de La Lande in the Additions to the Connaissance des Temps pour 1797, and another three thousand in the 1799 edition of that publication.49 La Lande’s work culminated with the identification in 1801 of some fifty thousand stars in his Histoire Céleste, commissioned by the French government in 1796 and based on observations made from the Paris observatory, completed in 1788 under the supervision of the architect Alexandre‐Théodore Brongniart.50 Of the stars included, some twelve thousand had been catalogued by Mme Le François La Lande, wife of Jérôme de La Lande’s nephew.51 In 1786 La Lande himself had also published Bibliothèque universelle des dames. Huitième classe. Astronomie, a work he dedicated to one of his collaborators, Mme du Piery, who ‘reads Lectures on Astronomy to Ladies at Paris, and who has been very useful to M. De La Lande in his different publications’.52 Whether or not Caroline Herschel’s Catalogue of Stars, published in London in 1798, was known in Paris by the time Boilly painted his first treatment of A Girl at a Window for the following year’s Salon, the concept of a female astronomer at a time that has been characterised as a golden age of astronomy for women,53 was far from fanciful, even if his depiction of a particular woman astronomer in NG 5583 was.54 In his painting The Electric Spark of about 1791 (Richmond VA, Collection of Arthur and Margaret Glasgow), Boilly had already linked the erotic with popular science.55 It is possible therefore that in his painting of a nubile young woman astronomer Boilly was alluding to the theory of the lecturer on optics Jean‐François Pilâtre de Rozier, who equated gravity with love, claiming that just as men are drawn to certain women, astronomical bodies undergo gravitational attraction.56

Louis‐Léopold Boilly, Presumed Portrait of Madame Boilly, née Desligne, 1795. Black chalk, heightened with white, pastels and grey wash on beige paper, 22 × 27 cm. Boulogne, Musée du Château. BOULOGNE Musée du Château © Priscilla Legrand‐Billiard
As noted under Related Works (2), the figures in the right half of the fictive bas‐relief below the windowsill correspond to those in the right half of Boilly’s trompe‐l’oeil Triumph of Amphitrite (fig. 1), datable to after 1785.57 Although Boilly made a painted copy of Clodion’s terracotta Triumph of Galatea (Copenhagen, Statens Museum for Kunst) and owned a terracotta bas‐relief by Clodion of Venus and Cupids,58 the bas‐relief depicted in NG 5583 is not by Clodion, as sometimes stated.59 It has been tentatively suggested that it is more in the style of Clodion’s disciple Joseph‐Charles Marin – that is if it was not entirely of Boilly’s imagination.60 Indeed, the whole of the bas‐relief depicted in Boilly’s Triumph of Amphitrite is probably of the artist’s invention.61 A putto like that partly hidden by drapery at the centre of Boilly’s fictive bas‐relief is found in one of the marble bas‐reliefs by Gérard van Opstal that were included in the inventory of Louis XVI’s drawings made in 1792, and are now in the Louvre (inv. MR2759), but this may be no more than coincidental.62
NG 5583 has been called La Femme de l’opticien, wrongly meaning Boilly’s own wife.63 The young woman in NG 5583 has the features (a long, straight nose, large almond‐shaped eyes and a small mouth) of the woman in an apparently spontaneous portrait drawing by Boilly now in Boulogne (fig. 5). Because women with similar features appear in a number [page 48] of his works of the late 1780s and early 1790s (as well as later), it has been suggested that the woman portrayed in the Boulogne drawing, and therefore in NG 5583, is his first wife, Marie‐Madeleine‐Josèphe Desligne, whom he married in 1787.64 This identification however remains unproven.65 Nor is it possible to identify securely the boy in NG 5583 with one of the artist’s sons. Assuming no changes in this respect between NG 5583 and the painting earlier exhibited at the 1799 Salon, then in terms of age two possible candidates would be his sons André (born 1788) or Félix (born 1789). An unfinished head‐and‐shoulders portrait in the Musée des Beaux‐Arts, Lille, which once belonged to a son of his second marriage, Julien Boilly, portrays either André or Félix.66 If not in terms of age, in terms of resemblance there is a better match with a presumed portrait of another of the artist’s sons by his first marriage, Simon (born 1792) (private collection),67 and even more with a portrait, also in the Musée des Beaux‐Arts, Lille, of Julien (born 1796) (fig. 6).68 It is suggested, however, that the child in the presumed portrait of Simon is in fact the same as that in the portrait of Julien (which once belonged to the latter and the identification of which is therefore secure). Since the child in NG 5583 most resembles Julien and cannot be less than nine or ten years old, it follows that, if the child’s head is a portrait at all, NG 5583 cannot have been executed before 1805 and may therefore in that respect be a modified version of the now lost picture exhibited in 1799.69 On the other hand, in another case where Boilly also created a grisaille version of an existing composition (albeit with a significant variation) in a pale blue ‘wash surround’, namely Portrait of Mme Tallien and her Daughter Rose Thermidor Laure, he probably did so no later than 1801,70 which in turn suggests an approximate terminus ante quem for NG 5583. Consequently, in spite of a certain resemblance between the boy in NG 5583 and Julien Boilly, rather than proposing that NG 5583 incorporates a portrait of him, it seems more prudent to suggest that the boy’s features share a certain family likeness that Boilly had become habituated to using in his painting practice. The same applies to the young woman.

Louis‐Léopold Boilly, Portrait of Julien Boilly, about 1808. Oil on canvas, 98 × 80 cm. Lille, Musée des Beaux‐Arts. LILLE Musée des Beaux‐Arts © RMN‐Grand Palais / Stéphane Maréchalle

‘Costume Parisien. Chapeau orné d’une Guirlande en Coques. Voile blanc. Collier‐en‐ Cheveux. Chemise noire’, from the Journal des dames et des modes, 7 August 1798, plate 54. © Photo courtesy of Bunka Gakuen University Library
The date of execution of the version of NG 5583 exhibited at the 1799 Salon is unknown, although one comment at the time suggests that it could have been painted by 1798, if not before. This was to the effect that the young woman’s hairstyle, of which the commentator disapproved, was à la titus (after the first‐century Roman emperor Titus), which was in fashion by the spring of 1798. The same commentator nevertheless opined that the hair was well painted.71 However, the woman’s bonnet is like the ‘bonnet à la Phriné’, albeit without the flowers and pearls, described and illustrated in the issue of 14 April 1799 (25 germinal, an VII) of La Correspondance des dames, ou Journal des modes et des spectacles de Paris.72 Additionally, the style, if not the precise material, of the dress resembles a type described in the 9 May 1799 (20 floréal, an VII) issue of the same journal.73 By July 1799 bonnets had become more elaborate,74 so that it seems reasonable to propose that the version exhibited at the 1799 Salon was painted by the spring of that year. Indeed, given that the hairstyle and the principal elements of the costume of the young woman in NG 5583 – bonnet secured by a ribbon under the chin, high‐waisted dress accentuating the breasts, and long, close‐fitting sleeves – also appear in a fashion plate published in Paris in August 1798 (fig. 7), the exhibited version of NG 5583 might well have been painted that year.
The version of the work exhibited at the 1799 Salon was generally well received. ‘I am pleased to point out the details of this carpet, this satin fabric, this bowl, this water, even these fish which are astonishingly true to life’, enthused [page 49]Arlequin au Muséum.75 The Journal des arts, de literature et de commerce was more reserved: We note among the agreeable productions of Citizen Boilly, a broad and firm effect, confident brushwork, a clear and careful execution; perhaps however he does not sufficiently consider nature in the way he paints the flesh tones; his extreme rapidity does not always allow for an adequate examination of the variety of tones; it is easy to distinguish the objects which he paints after nature from those which he paints from practice; the first have a distinct advantage over the others; one has always reproached Citizen Boilly a little for a dryness in his draperies; those of his last pictures are not entirely free from this fault; we think that it derives from too great a conceit in the firmness of his brushwork; some spontaneity in execution would result in a true touch, would give it that pervasive feeling which makes for the charm of works of art.76
General References
Harrisse 1898, nos 18, 222 (for the painting exhibited in 1799), 604 (where called La femme de l’opticien) for NG 5583; Marmottan 1913, pp. 64 (for the painting exhibited in 1799), 72 (for NG 5583, where called La femme de l’opticien); Davies 1957, p. 14; Hallam 1979, pp. 60–1, 227 and fig. 67; Heim, Béraud and Heim 1989, p. 146; Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Laveissière 1988, p. 30.
Notes
1 Harrisse 1898, p. 141, no. 604. (Back to text.)
2 I am grateful to Sylvie Legrand, Conservatrice en chef at the Musée Nissim de Camondo for this information, which is derived from bills from Seligmann in the museum’s archives. The inventory number of the commode in question (the cost of which, before deducting the allowance for NG 5583, was 20,000 francs) is CAM 189.1. When selling the Boilly to Camondo in February 1898, Seligmann had undertaken to take it back within a year for 7,000 francs. Moïse de Camondo (Constantinople 1860 – Paris 1935) was the son of Count Nissim de Camondo, a member of an important banking family originally from Istanbul that had settled in Paris in 1869. He began collecting at the age of 30 and when he bought NG 5583 was living at 11 avenue d’Iéna, 16; he moved later that year to 19 rue Hamelin, 16. See Rondot 2007, p. 305 (which deals mainly with Camondo’s collection of furniture, silver and objets d’art). Camondo preferred to use a dealer if buying at auction but also bought direct from dealers, including Wildenstein, Duveen and Seligmann, sometimes exchanging items with the last named as a way of editing his collection ( ibid. , pp. 304–5). He was a member of the Conseil artistique de la Réunion des musées nationaux, to which he was appointed in 1922, and Vice‐President of the Société des Amis du Louvre and of the Union centrale des Arts décoratifs. During the period 1895–1903 he was Consul‐General of Serbia in Paris at the request of Alexander I, King of Serbia. He married Irène Cahen d’Anvers, whom he divorced in 1901 (Assouline 1997, pp. 188–9). On his death he bequeathed his substantial house at 63 rue de Monceau, Paris, together with the collection of fine and decorative arts it contained, to the French state in memory of his son, Nissim, an aviator killed in action in 1917 (Les donateurs du Louvre 1989, p. 163). The resultant Musée Nissim de Camondo was opened in 1936. (Back to text.)
3 It might be assumed that the sale was that of Edmund Beckett of Queen Anne Street, London, and Batch Wood, St Albans (created 1st Baron Grimthorpe in 1886), given that it occurred quite soon after his death. However, this Lord Grimthorpe, a lawyer, and at his death Chancellor and Vicar‐General of York and an expert on clocks and clock‐making, who prepared the specifications for the bell called Big Ben, did not collect art; nor did he indulge in gracious living (Ferriday 1957, pp. 65–7; L.C. Sanders, ‘Beckett, Edmund, first Baron Grimthorpe (1816–1905)’, rev. C. Pease‐Watkin, ODNB). On his death the title was inherited by his nephew, Ernest William Beckett (1856–1917), MP for Whitby 1885–1905, who resigned his seat in the House of Commons on his elevation to the Lords (see the Appendix to this volume on the NG website).
The sale of paintings on 12 May 1906 and that of objets d’art, furniture, etc. the previous day both refer to ‘the property of the Right Hon. Lord Grimthorpe removed from 11 Connaught Place, Hyde Park, W’ but not to that of the late Lord Grimthorpe (1st Baron) and, as Michael Hardy has kindly informed me, the paintings were consigned as the property of ‘Lord Grimthorpe, Hanover Court, Hanover Square’, which was the 2nd Baron’s address in 1906 (‘The Late Lord Grimthorpe’s Estate’The Times, 23 July 1906, p. 6, col. F). In addition, reporting the sale of 11 May, The Times of the following day referred to ‘a collection … formed by Lord Grimthorpe, better known as Mr. Ernest Beckett, who sold portions of his collection at Messrs. Christie’s in 1902 and 1903’. Lots 80–86 of a sale at Christie’s of 23 May 1903, all English School paintings, were described as ‘the Property of E.W. Beckett, Esq., M.P.’. Further, since probate of the 1st Baron’s estate was not granted until February 1907 (The Complete Peerage, vol. 6 [1926], pp. 207–8), the paintings sold in May 1906 were acquired by the 2nd Baron independently of his inheritance from his uncle. (Back to text.)
4 There described as ‘A Young Girl, seated at a window; her brother looking through a telescope – grisaille. 17½ in. by 14½ in.’. (Back to text.)
5 For the Yznaga Gift, accounts of Maria Consuelo (more usually known just as Consuelo) and Emilie Yznaga, and conjecture as to which of the two sisters acquired the various paintings that formed the Gift, see the Appendix to this volume on the NG website. (Back to text.)
6 Artists were obliged to submit works for the 1799 Salon by 2 August 1799 (15 thermidor, an VII): ‘Ministère de l’interieure. Musée central des Arts (Annonce du Salon pour fructidor an VII’, MS ( CD , vol. 21, 1799, item 550). (Back to text.)
7 ‘… peut‐être cependant ne consulte‐t‐il [i.e. Boilly] pas assez la nature dans le rendu des chairs; son extrême promptitude ne lui permet pas toujours un examen suffisant de la variété des teintes’, Journal des Arts (de Landon), CD , vol. 21, 1799, p. 236. (Back to text.)
8 Alexandre‐Joseph Paillet, Paris, 25–28 June 1802, lot 28, sold to Jean‐Baptiste‐Pierre Le Brun acting for Demidoff, 750 francs, oil on canvas, 17 × 13 pouces (approx. 46 × 35.2 cm): ‘L’on voit assise sur l’appui d’une croisée décorée d’un bas‐relief, une jeune et charmante fille, de carnation blonde; elle tient de la main droite une lorgnette, et de la gauche un schall. Son vêtement, aussi simple qu’élégant, est de satin blanc; elle est vue de trois‐quarts, et coiffée d’un chapeau de même étoffe, garni de velours rose. Dans l’intérieur, au‐dessous d’elle, et dans une teinte heureuse et bien ménagée, est un jeune garçon qui regarde dans un télescope. Différens accessoires, tels qu’un beau rideau cramoisi, une grande lunette, un bocal où sont des poissons, et une cage, contribuent à enrichir cette composition agréable. Tous les ouvrages de cet artiste sont marqués au coin du bon goût, et celui que nous décrivons mérite de fixer les amateurs par l’excellence de sa touche et le charme de son coloris.’ The painting had earlier been offered in Le Brun’s own sale, 25 January 1802: Olivier Bonfait, ‘Du genre au genre à Paris autour de 1800: “Moelleux fini” et “Velouté du satin” de Gerrit Dou à Marguerite Gérard’, in Costamagna and Bonfait 2008, pp. 81–91, at pp. 88, 90, note 32. (Back to text.)
9 Exhibited London 1984, no. 4, where said to depict a bas‐relief by Clodion; but, as Guilhem Scherf has kindly informed me (letter of 15 April 1996), in fact it does not correspond with any known composition by Clodion. Scherf considers that Boilly’s trompe‐l’oeil relief evokes not so much Clodion as his disciple Joseph‐Charles Marin, and notes that lot 98 of the Boilly sale (13–14 April 1829) comprised two anonymously authored terracottas: ‘Vénus sur les eaux et la Toilette de Vénus’. Scherf 1991, p. 57, note 20. (Back to text.)
10 I am grateful to Rachel Billinge for pointing this out when the painting and its IRR image were examined together in the studio (12 May 2014). (Back to text.)
11 For Boilly’s Portrait de Mme Teresa Tallien see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 105 (entry by A. Yacob), which also references the grisaille variant. (Back to text.)
12 Harrisse 1898, no. 604. The grisaille painting by Boilly (Presumed Portrait of Mme Tallien and her Daughter), made in imitation of a print, and also signed on the imitation mount, was sold at Sotheby’s, Paris, 23 June 2011, lot 94. It was published by Eric Coatelem (2015, pp. 20–3), who identified Mme Tallien’s daughter as Clémence‐Isaure (born 1 February [page 50]1805), suggesting an earliest likely date for the grisaille as 1811. However, on the basis of both the costume and comparison with François Gérard’s portrait of Mme Tallien in the Musée Carnavalet, Paris, of about 1805, if the mother in the Boilly’s portrait is indeed Mme Tallien, it seems more probable that the little girl is her daughter, Rose‐Thermidor Laure (born 1795). (Back to text.)
13 For illustrations of examples of Boilly’s trompe‐l’oeil prints and drawings, see Bréton and Zuber 2007. (Back to text.)
14 On Ah! ça ira see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 184 (entry by P. Wachenheim). (Back to text.)
15 On this work see ibid. , no. 189 (entry by R. Rand). (Back to text.)
16 For Boilly’s precursors in the field of the grisaille trompe‐l’oeil, see Wachenheim in ibid. , pp. 252–3. (Back to text.)
17 Harrisse 1898, no. 574. (Back to text.)
18 Boilly’s grisaille is in the Louvre (inv. 20116, oil on canvas, 35 × 64 cm). In the context of Boilly’s long interest in monochrome, it is interesting to note that his son Jules (also known as Julien), himself an artist and printmaker, owned a very early example, namely Le Parement de Narbonne. This late fourteenth‐century altar ornament in black ink on white silk is now in the Louvre (inv. M.I. 1121). See Hémery 2008, p. 34, where illustrated. (Back to text.)
19 See Griffiths 1989; Sotheby sales in Monaco, 2–3 December 1988, lot 674, and 16–17 June 1989, lots 390–1. The grisaille version includes the inscription ‘L.L. Boilly pinx et Sculp. 1790’. It was no. 185 of Lille 2011–12. (Back to text.)
20 For both versions of Le Cadeau délicat, see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, nos 46, 47, where both are dated about 1791 and where Florence Raymond rightly notes that it is a matter of supposition that Boilly necessarily made the polychrome version of a composition before that in grisaille. (Back to text.)
21 For the Douai picture and its pendant, see Oursel 1975, no. 12, and more recently, Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 29 (entry by P. Wachenheim). (Back to text.)
22 For the Musée Carnavalet painting, see Hémery 2008, no. 48, Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, nos 187, 188 (entry by J.‐M. Bruson). For a suggestion that Boilly made repetitions in grisaille to assist those making prints after his paintings, see Harrisse 1898, pp. 50, 68; for discussion more generally of the relationship between oil painting and print in Boilly’s work see Wachenheim in Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, nos 182–5. (Back to text.)
23 An exception is Les déménagements (Paris, Musée Cognacq‐Jay, inv. 8), which Boilly executed around 1840 after the lithograph of 1826, itself made in reverse after his original composition, which was shown at the 1822 Salon: Burollet 1980, pp. 40–2, no. 9. (Back to text.)
24 See for example Michel 2005, pp. 299–301; Michel 2009; and Atwater 2009/10. (Back to text.)
26 Duquesnoy’s relief sculpture is in the Galleria Doria‐Pamphilj, Rome: see Sonntag 2006, pl. 61. I am grateful to Betsy Wieseman for bringing this publication to my attention. (Back to text.)
27 Examples include Gerrit Dou’s The Grocer’s Shop (Royal Collection, RCIN 405542), which was in the Choiseul‐Praslin sale, 18 February 1793 and following, lot 92, bought by Paillet and quite likely remaining in Paris until its acquisition there by Buchanan in 1817 (see White 1982, no. 46); Dou’s A Poulterer’s Shop (London, National Gallery, inv. NG 825), which was in French collections, presumably in Paris from 1748 until 1814 (MacLaren 1991, p. 107); and the same artist’s Femme tenant un coq mort (Paris, Louvre, inv. 1218) acquired for Louis XVI after it failed to sell at the Calonne sale in 1788 (Foucart 2009, p. 121). Caspar Netscher’s Portrait of a Man with his Wife and Child at a Window of 1674 (Salzburger Landessammlungen [Residenzgalerie], inv. 545) was in the marquis de Marigny’s collection in 1772, at which date it was engraved by François Anne David (Wieseman 2002, no. 128). For examples of Dutch seventeenth‐century paintings in French collections earlier in the eighteenth century, see Altes 2009/10. A pertinent example in the context of NG 5583 is Dou’s The Violinist (Liechtenstein Collection), which, Altes notes, was in the Orléans collection in 1727. (Back to text.)
28 For the suggestion that Boilly would have seen paintings by Mieris, Metsu and Dou in collections in Douai and Arras, see Mabille de Poncheville 1931, p. 18. (Back to text.)
29 Le Brun 1792–6, vol. 2, facing p. 20. For engravings after relevant compositions by Dou, Metsu and Netscher, see ibid. , vol. 2, opp. pp. 6, 46 and 84 respectively. The version of Mieris’s picture engraved for this publication was, according to Le Brun ( ibid. , vol. 2, p. 22), then in the collection of ‘veuve Hoop à Amsterdam’, and not in that of Le Brun himself, as stated in Naumann 1981, p. 72. (Back to text.)
30 Notice des Tableaux 1795–6 (an IV), nos 57 and 67, where the latter is described as ‘La Marchande de volailles et de légumes’. The Dou, which was exhibited on the opening of the Louvre (as it is now called) in 1793, and the Van Mieris, shown from 1796, are still in the Louvre (invs 1216 and 1552), catalogued in Foucart 2009, pp. 120, 184. (Back to text.)
31 Naumann 1981, p. 70; Notice des Tableaux 1798–9 (an VII), no. 386. For other similar compositions shown in the same exhibition, see ibid. , nos 229, 230 (both listed as by Gerrit Dou) and nos 389, 390, 391 and 392 (all as by Willem van Mieris). Jacques Foucart (2009, p. 184) points out that the painting in the Mauritshuis is not to be confused with another of the same subject in the Louvre (inv. 1550), which has a different composition and is by Willem van Mieris. Boilly might have seen it when it was exhibited in 1793 on the opening of the Louvre. For the episode of the French confiscation of Willem V’s collection see Boyer 1970, where is transcribed the inventory dated 28 September to 1 October 1795 (5, 6, 7 and 8 vendémiaire, an IV) of the confiscated paintings. Some of the confiscated paintings were on view at the Museum by 17 February 1796 (27 pluviôse, an IV). (Back to text.)
32 ‘…mais cet amour du fini qui fait que, malgré sa facilité à dessiner et à peindre, on reconnait dans ses tableaux [i.e. those of Boilly] l’emploi fatal du manneqin, qui fait que si son charmant tableau de la femme au poële a toute l’harmonie de lumiere de Gerard Dow…’, ‘Exposition des ouvrages de peinture et de sculpture. Journal de la décade philosophique’ [1800], MS ( CD , vol. 23, item 638, p. 210). (Back to text.)
33 Harrisse 1898, no. 236. It was lot 6 of Alexandre‐Louis Roëttiers de Montaleau(?) sale, Paris, Delaroche, 19–29 July 1802, where bought by Joseph Wilkinson for 610 francs, in whose sale it was at Christie’s, London, 20–21 May 1816, lot 54, £22 1s. to Branwhile. (Back to text.)
34 Based on the still‐life elements. (Back to text.)
35 On the relationship between Boilly and Drolling, see Laveissière in Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Laveissière 1988, p. 55. A painting by Drolling was recorded in the household inventory made following the death of Boilly’s first wife (née Deslignes) in 1795: La Monneraye 1929, p. 24. For an example of a contemporary comparison between the two artists to the effect that they deserved the same praise and the same criticism, see Coup‐d’Oeil sur le Salon de l’an VIII, Paris IX, p. 25 ( CD , vol. 22, item 627, p. 415). (Back to text.)
36 No. 151, ill. in Heim, Béraud and Heim 1989, p. 189 (now Moscow, Pushkin Museum). (Back to text.)
37 No. 152 (part). (Back to text.)
38 ‘… quelqu’unes des compositions no. 150.151.152 rappellent celles de myeris et d’autres peintres hollandais comme eux, le c[itoyen] Droling [sic] fait voir ses sujets par une fenetre le petit bas‐relief au dessous de l’embrasure enrichit aussi cette partie des maisons,’ ‘Exposition publique des ouvrages des artistes vivans, dans le salon du louvre, au mois de septembre, année 1795, vieux stile, ou vendemiaire de l’an quatrième de la république, par mr. Rob…’, MS ( CD , vol. 18, item 469, pp. 445–6). Regarding Drolling’s Une jeune fille à une fenêtre, rinçant un pot au lait, no. 128 at the 1798 Salon (whereabouts unknown), the Mercure de France commented in the article ‘Exposition des peintres vivans commencée le 19 juillet 1798’: ‘ce petit ouvrage est digne de l’école hollandaise. Le ton est brillant, le coloris harmonieux, les détails sont rendus avec une verité frappante. Pourquoi le sujet n’est‐il pas mieux choisi?’ ( CD , vol. 20, item 538, p. 53). (Back to text.)
39 1798 Salon, no. 127, possibly the painting sold at Christie’s, New York, 25 May 2005, lot 60 (oil on canvas, 117 × 96.5 cm). (Back to text.)
40 See Related Works (3). (Back to text.)
41 Carol S. Eliel, ‘Genre Painting during the Revolution and the Goût Hollandais’, in Wintermute 1989, pp. 53–4. (Back to text.)
42 Siegfried 1995, pp. 178–80; Siegfried 2007, pp. 26–7; and the revised version of this article, ‘Boilly: ambiguïtés de genre et peinture de genre’, in Costamagna and Olivier Bonfait 2008, pp. 115–32, at pp. 123–4. (Back to text.)
43 The 1795 inventory included an old camera obscura (La Monneraye 1929, p. 26). At the 1793 Salon Boilly exhibited a painting called L’Optique showing a child looking through an instrument known in Britain as a zograscope, which was popular at the time. Its combination of a convex glass and mirror had the effect of correcting the distortions in prints and allowing them to give the illusion of a recession in real space (see J.F. Cazenave’s stipple engraving after Boilly’s painting, British Museum, inv. 2008,7045.1). The painting was exhibited at the Musée Marmottan in 1984 (Paris 1984, no. 7). On Boilly’s interest in optics see also his The Magic Lantern (Paris, Panhard Collection; oil on glass, 29.5 × 44 cm) and Harrisse 1898, p. 32, no. 423. (Back to text.)
44 Etienne Bréton has kindly advised me that the unpublished post‐mortem inventory of Boilly’s second wife, Adelaïde‐Françoise‐Julie Leduc, [page 51]includes the following items: ‘Une chambre noire, en forme de tombeau antique avec une table de bois de noyer, ayant un tiroir, trente autres chambres noires de peu de valeur, un lot de gros verres dits objectifs de différents diametres, verres dépolis et petites glaces servant aux chambres noires, deux prismes montés sur pied en cuivre, deux miroirs montés sur pied en bois pour mégascope, le tout prisé la somme de cent cinquante francs. Une lunette de Dolom acromatique, de trente deux pouces de long, sur pied en acajou, une autre lunette de douze pouces à coulisse en cuivre doré, une autre lunette acromatique en cuivre doré, un microscope solaire de Dolom avec ses accessoires dans sa boite en acajou, prisé le tout la somme de deux cents cinquante francs’ (Archives nationales de Paris, AN / MC /ET/XLIII/701, 11 February 1819, ‘Inventaire après le décès de Madame Boilly’). Breton points out that ‘Dolom’ is a distorted spelling of Dollond. John Dollond and his successors, trading as P. & J. Dollond in London, made and supplied optical instruments including telescopes with a type of lens called achromatic, which John Dollond claimed to have invented (Gloria Clifton, ‘Dollond family [per. 1750–1871]’, ODNB. (Back to text.)
45 Hallam 1984, p. 191. (Back to text.)
46 I am grateful to Jane Wess (letter of 3 May 1996) for the information on telescopes. For contemporary descriptions in French of the different types of telescope known in the mid‐eighteenth century, see ‘Téléscope’ in Encyclopédie 1751–72, vol. 16 (1765), pp. 36–49 and Smith 1767, vol. 1, pp. 69–72 and vol. 2, pp. 211–21. (Back to text.)
47 Anon. 1960. (Back to text.)
48 Lynn 2006, pp. 28–9. (Back to text.)
50 Silvestre de Sacy 1940, p. 51. (Back to text.)
52 The European Magazine, February 1790, p. 85. For a summary of works on astronomy earlier than that of Lalande which encouraged a female readership, see Le Lay 2004. (Back to text.)
53 Le Lay 2004, p. 312. (Back to text.)
54 I have found no image of Mme Le François Lalande. There is an engraved portrait of Caroline Herschel in the National Portrait Gallery, published about 1842. (Back to text.)
55 The most recent catalogue entry on The Electric Spark is that by Richard Rand in Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, pp. 115–16. (Back to text.)
56 Lynn 2006, p. 87. (Back to text.)
57 Others in late eighteenth‐century France to paint fictive bas‐reliefs were Boilly’s master, Dominique Doncre, Piat‐Joseph Sauvage and, during the 1770s, Anne Vallayer‐Coster. On this last see Kahng and Michel 2002, nos 19, 20, 27, 40, 42, 47. (Back to text.)
58 La Monneraye 1929, p. 25. (Back to text.)
59 London 1984, p. 11. (Back to text.)
60 Scherf 1991. (Back to text.)
61 See Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 172 (entry by G. Scherf). (Back to text.)
62 For the bas‐relief by Van Opstal see Gaborit 1998, inv. MR 2758, ill. p. 604. (Back to text.)
63 Mabille de Poncheville 1931, p. 96. (Back to text.)
64 For this argument and a note of works by Boilly using this female model, see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Laveissière 1988, no. 11 and Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 23 (entries by A. Scottez‐De Wambrechies). (Back to text.)
65 There exists another drawing by Boilly (location unknown) of what appears to be the same woman as shown in the Boulogne drawing. This, however, has been said to represent Boilly’s second wife, Adelaïde‐Françoise‐Julie Leduc, possibly because the same model has been used by Boilly in his so‐called The Artist’s Wife in his Studio (Williamstown, Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute). If this were correct, she might also have been the model for the woman in NG 5583. However, this is not the case: in the Musée des Beaux‐Arts, Orléans (inv. 302) is a portrait drawing of the second Mme Boilly, the identification of which can be treated as secure by virtue of its once having belonged to her son Julien Boilly. It is clear from this that the second Mme Boilly was not the model for the woman in NG 5583. Rand and Breton’s identification of the woman in the Williamstown painting as the second Mme Boilly strikes me as incorrect (see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, p. 138). The painting is not dated, nor has it any early provenance, so it may be earlier than 1795–9. Furthermore, the costume of the woman is similar to that of one of the women in the foreground of Boilly’s Le Triomphe de Marat of 1794. In Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, p. 260, I adopted the then long‐assumed identification of a drawing by Boilly in the Morgan Library, New York (inv. EVT 10) as being of the artist’s family. However, as convincingly argued by Florence Raymond in her catalogue entry for that drawing in the same publication (pp. 98–9), it is in fact of the family of Simon Chenard. (Back to text.)
66 See Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 24 (entry by A. Scottez‐De Wambrechies). Etienne Breton has confirmed that in his opinion the portrait by Boilly offered at Villa Grisebach Auktionen, 27 November 2013 (lot 103), and there catalogued as a portrait of Félix is not necessarily of him (email of 10 July 2014). (Back to text.)
67 Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, no. 25. (Back to text.)
68 Ibid. , no. 28. (Back to text.)
69 For examples of gaps of at least five or six years between Boilly’s polychrome and grisaille versions of the same subject, see Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, nos 187–8, 189. (Back to text.)
70 See note 12. Mme Tallien’s daughter Thermidor was born in 1795 and, as Annie Yacob suggests, is probably no older than six in Boilly’s grisaille portrait. (Back to text.)
71 ‘… une jeune femme appuiée sur le bord d’une croisée; les cheveux à la titus en sont bien peints, mais cette coeffure si convenable aux hommes par sa simplicité ne peut que nuire à la beauté des femmes; qu’elles eloignent de leurs têtes tout ornement etranger, mais qu’elles ne sacrifient pas le plus beau que leur ait donné la nature’, ‘Troisième examen sur cette exposition concernant la coeffure, journal des arts’, MS ( CD , vol. 22, item 569, p. 306). For an illustration see Jacquemin 1869, pl. 155, where entitled Modes de l’an VI, d’après le Journal des Dames. Year 6 of the Republic started on 22 September 1797. Aileen Ribeiro has kindly advised me that fashion magazines disappeared in the spring of 1793 and did not reappear until summer 1797, but that the so‐called Titus hairstyle seems to have been in fashion by the spring of 1798, when the Journal des dames et des Modes (4 March 1798) describes the ‘chevelure à la Titus’, the invention of one M. Duplan, as ‘un caprice fantastique … qui n’a autre mérite que celui d’être à la mode’ (email of 20 January 2011). The hairstyle may have been adopted earlier because, as Aileen Ribeiro has also advised, when writing about Mme Tallien, possibly in 1796, the duchesse d’Abrantès talks of her ‘beaux cheveux noirs alors coupés à la Titus et bouclés tout autour de sa tête’ (Junot 1922–32, vol. 1, p. 125). A portrait of Mme Tallien by A.T. Umilleu, made in 1797–8 (an VI), exists in the Musée Boucher de Perthes, Abbeville, in which she appears to have hair of the same length as that of the woman in NG 5583. In the undated grisaille portrait of a woman who may be Mme Tallien, with her daughter (referred to in the text above and in note 12), the principal sitter’s hairstyle appears to be very close to that of the woman in NG 5583, insofar as the latter, which is part covered by a bonnet, is visible. As suggested by the Salon criticism cited above, the style of cut ‘à la Titus’ was first adopted by men: a man with such a style is represented in a painting by Boilly of 1797 (Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011, p. 132). (Back to text.)
72 Vol. 1, no. 9, p. 142 and pl. 27 facing p. 141 (‘Ce bonnet est très élégant, malgré sa simplicité, Un fonds d’organdis avec comette de satin, plusieurs rangs de perles et une demi‐guirlande de roses négligement placé, forment le bonnet à la Phriné, que l’on voit paraître avec orgueil sur les plus jolies têtes de la capitale’). (Back to text.)
73 Ibid. , vol. 1, no. 14, p. 209 and pl. 30 facing p. 209. The type of dress is described as ‘… de mousseline, à petits points violets. Le corsage, sans manches, etait [sic] surmonté d’un fichu à ceinture, dont la forme approche beaucoup de celle d’un spincer. Des manches de tricot de soie mettaient les bras … à l’abri du froid; car, malgré que nous soyons au mois de mai, l’hiver tourmente encore la beauté…’. (Back to text.)
74 Ibid. , vol. 2, no. 8, ill. facing p. 113 (20 messidor, an VII). (Back to text.)
75 ‘Je détaille avec plaisir ce tapis, ce satin, ce bocal, cette eau, ces poissons mêmes qui sont d’une vérité étonnante’. Cited by Harrisse 1898, p. 76. (Back to text.)
76 ‘On remarque dans les agréables productions du citoyen Boilly, un effet large et ferme, un pinceau facile, une exécution nette et soignée. Peut‐être, cependant, ne consulte‐t‐il pas assez la nature dans l’étude des chairs; son extrême promptitude ne lui permet pas toujours un examen suffisant de la variété des teintes. Il est facile de distinguer les objets qu’il a peint d’après le naturel, d’avec ceux qu’il a faits de pratique; les premiers ont sur les autres un avantage très marqué. On a fait de tout temps au citoyen Boilly, le reproche d’un peu de sécheresse dans les draperies; celles de ses derniers tableaux ne sont pas tout a fait exemptes de ce défaut; nous pensons qu’il provient d’une trop grande prétention à la fermeté du pinceau. De l’abandon dans l’exécution produirais une touche vraie, y répandrait ce sentiment qui fait le charme des ouvrages de l’art’, Journal des arts, de literature et de commerce, 10, 6 September 1799 (20 fructidor, an VII). (Back to text.)
Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings in the National Gallery
Appendix to 'The National Gallery Catalogues: The Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings'
Ernest William Beckett, 2nd Baron Grimthorpe (1856–1917)
- Louis‐Léopold Boilly, A Girl at a Window (NG 5583)
Ernest William Beckett, MP (Unionist) for Whitby, 1885–1905, was the eldest son of William Beckett (1826–1890), banker and sometime MP for East Retford and then for Bassetlaw, Nottinghamshire, and of the Hon. Helen Duncombe (1831–1896), third daughter of William, 2nd Baron Feversham.1 He was also the nephew, and became the titular heir, of Edmund Beckett (1816–1905), created 1st Baron Grimthorpe in 1886. Ernest William married Lucy Tracy Lee (known as ‘Luie’; 1865–1891), of the state of New York, in 1883. She, it is said, brought $500,000 on her marriage2 and was a near relative of Mrs J. Pierpont Morgan, wife of the noted New York banker and art collector.3 His social circle included Lady Natica Lister‐Kaye,4 whose younger sister was Emilie Yznaga, later herself to own NG 5583. Luie died at the family home at 138 Piccadilly in 1891, a few days after giving birth to a son, Ralph William Ernest Beckett (1891–1963). It was Ralph who became the 3rd Baron Grimthorpe on the death of his father.
The 2nd Lord Grimthorpe has been dismissed as a dilettante who lived much of his life in France and Italy.5 A more generous assessment was that of his exact contemporary, the writer and editor Frank Harris who called him ‘a lover of all superiorities, who has known the ablest men of the times’.6 The family seat until 1908 was Kirkstall Grange, Yorkshire,7 but certainly around the turn of the century, and until 1906, Grimthorpe also had a house, Wood Lee, at Egham, Surrey, where he used to entertain.8 His West End residence, which during his marriage to Luie was at 17 Stratton Street, off Piccadilly, changed from 11 Connaught Place to Hanover Court, Hanover Square, probably early in 1906,9 and at least once again to 27 Welbeck Street towards the end of his life.10 In 1904 Beckett, as he then was, bought Villa Cimbrone, near Ravello, Italy, and set about the restoration of the house and garden. (It is now a hotel.) At one time his mistress was Alice Keppel, before she started her liaison with the Prince of Wales,11 and he is believed to have fathered by her Violet Trefusis (1894–1972), the writer and, more notoriously, the sometime lover of Vita Sackville‐West.12 A friend of Oscar Wilde, as an amusing experiment, Beckett once invited the playwright to lunch at Kirkstall Grange in the company of a group of country squires. He later recalled that Wilde won over his improbable lunch companions with a ‘play of genial humour over every topic that came up, like sunshine dancing on waves’.13
Beckett, however, also had a serious side. Besides being a partner in the Leeds banking firm Beckett & Co., which he joined in 1878,14 he was active in politics. Among his interventions in the political arena were his criticisms of the cruel conduct of German colonisers in Africa,15 his support of Winston Churchill’s opposition to army reform proposed by the Government in 1901–3,16 and his joining with Churchill to address a Free Trade Demonstration in Halifax in 1903.17 Following his elevation to the House of Lords, he spoke supporting the ‘undenominationalism’ proposed in the 1906 Education Bill declaring that ‘as long as religious controversy was mixed up with the education question there could be no peace’.18
Beckett was also active as a patron and supporter of the arts. He was treasurer of the founding committee of the National Art Collections Fund in 1903,19 a member of the Memorial Committee for James McNeill Whistler formed immediately after the artist’s death in 1903,20 and one of a syndicate which in 1914 leased the Théâtre des Champs‐Elysées, Paris, for the Boston Opera Company and the Royal Opera Company of London to perform for ten weeks, ‘to show the Parisians what real grand opera was’.21 Early in the following year he was appointed treasurer of the International Academy of Opera based at the same theatre, the object of which was to find work for French, Polish and Belgian musicians engaged in grand opera who had been made unemployed as a result of the First World War.22 A friend and patron of Rodin, in 1901 Beckett commissioned from the sculptor a bust of Eve Fairfax (1871–1978), to whom he was newly engaged (they never married), and the following year was instrumental in arranging a subscription and banquet for him in London.23
In the absence of any known lifetime or posthumous list of his pictures,24 Beckett’s collecting activities remain obscure, but may have been prompted by his trip to America with Luie in 1884. There he was greatly impressed by the picture gallery of William Henry Vanderbilt, which he described as having ‘the best collection of modern pictures in the world, a perfect enchantment. One small picture cost £1200. Mr. Vanderbilt has excellent taste in pictures and he has always the pick of the market.’25 In 1906 Christie, Manson & Woods held significant sales on behalf of Beckett (by now Lord Grimthorpe). Sculpture, ceramics and (mainly) objets d’art and furniture were sold on 8–9 May. Lot 166 was a Clodion terracotta which had been sold anonymously in Paris in 1891. It is now in the Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. More objets d’art, and bronzes, marbles, faience, and furniture, French, Japanese and Chinese objets d’art, followed on 10–11 May. The sale comprised 317 lots realising a total of £10,542 3s. 6d. The most expensive item (£1,150) was a life‐size stone statue of the Virgin and Child once in the church of Saint‐Evroult. Among the French eighteenth‐ and early nineteenth‐century objects were a Louis XVI clock, a Louis XV walnut‐wood sofa covered in Beauvais tapestry, a Louis XVI mahogany writing table in the manner of Jacob, and an Empire mahogany bedroom suite.26
The following day Grimthorpe sold 54 pictures (realising £16,229 17s.), of which the most important by value (£5,250 to Agnew’s) was a version, apparently once in a collection at Arezzo, of a painting in the National Gallery:27 namely, the Workshop of Botticelli tondo of the Virgin and Child with Saint John the Baptist (NG 2497). According to The Times report of the sale, most of the pictures ‘appear to have been purchased in Italy or elsewhere abroad … and very little is apparently known regarding the provenance of any one of them’.28 A portrait by Romney, Mrs Blair, which Beckett had sold in 1903, had been inherited from his father William Beckett,29 and it is possible that some or all of the other six English School portraits then sold had been similarly acquired by him. Certainly he is unlikely to have inherited the Impressionist pictures which were included in the 1906 sale, including a pastel by Manet with a suggested date of 1880,30 a portrait of Isabelle Lemonnier by the same artist, dated 1879,31 and a Sisley dated 1876.32 Monet’s La Phare de l’Hospice he had bought from Bernheim‐Jeune in 1901 or later.33 NG 5583, lot 14 of the 1906 sale, had been acquired by Beckett no earlier than 1898,34 and a pair of paintings, Séparation douleureuse and Entrevue consolante, catalogued as by Boilly and forming the following lot, were described in 1898 as having been bought recently in St Petersburg.35 All three paintings by Boilly in the Grimthorpe sale were bought by Jacques Seligmann.
When and where Grimthorpe had acquired the older masters in the 1906 sale is more difficult to discern. A copy of Frans van Mieris’s The Oyster Meal in the Mauritshuis, called in the Christie’s catalogue The Declaration (lot 46), had been part of the Van Loon collection which was sold en bloc to the Rothschild family in 1877.36 A Portrait of a Cardinal catalogued as by Holbein (lot 39) was described as ‘From the Collection of Count Castellane’. In 1906 this could only have been understood as Paul Ernest Boniface de Castellane (1867–1932), who had famously married Anna, daughter of the so‐called ‘robber baron’ Jay Gould, spent most of her fortune and divorced her that year. Although married in New York, they lived in Paris, and so it was probably there that Beckett acquired the picture. Other lots in the 1906 sale, stated in the sale catalogue to be from named collections, are likely for similar reasons to have been bought, rather than inherited.37
Possibly the reason for Beckett’s extensive sales in 1906, and even for his change of address, was connected to his having invested heavily in San Francisco before the earthquake and fire of April that year.38 It was more likely, however, that the timing was fortuitous, since the sales were advertised only 13 days after the disaster occurred and then carried out less than a fortnight later,39 and in any event Beckett was apparently in financial difficulties quite apart from events in San Francisco.40
NOTES
1 Dod’s Peerage (1918), pp. 971–2. For more information on William Beckett, see R.G. Wilson, ‘Beckett, Rupert Evelyn (1870–1955)’, ODNB. For more information on Ernest William Beckett, with particular emphasis on his life and loves at the Villa Cimbrone, see Holroyd 2010, passim. I am grateful to Alastair Laing for drawing my attention to this book. (Back to text.)
2 New York Times, 19 April 1893. $500,000 in 1883 would now be worth over $12,000,000: www.measuringworth.com. (Back to text.)
3 Ibid. , 16 August 1903. (Back to text.)
4 Ibid. , 14 July 1907. (Back to text.)
5 Ferriday 1957, p. 200. (Back to text.)
6 Harris 1916, vol. 1, p. 133. (Back to text.)
7 Kirkstall Grange, Beckett Park, is now part of Leeds Metropolitan University. Grimthorpe sold it to the city of Leeds in 1908: see the website Leodis, a Photographic Archive of Leeds (www.leodis.net). (Back to text.)
8 He was planning to alter the Egham house in 1897 (National Archives, MPE 1/1522), and it was from there that he sold a portrait of Mrs Blair by Romney in 1903 (Ward and Roberts 1904, vol. 2, p. 13). See also the photographs taken in 1902 and reproduced in Lampert and Le Normand‐Romain 2006, nos 353 and 356. For the sale in 1906 see The Times, 4 August 1906, according to which Grimthorpe also sold the adjoining property, Ashleigh. (Back to text.)
9 See the catalogue entry in Wine 2018 for NG 5583, note 3. For the Stratton Street residence, see Holroyd 2010, p. 34. (Back to text.)
10 Dod’s Peerage (1918), which records his town residence as 27 Welbeck Street. (Back to text.)
11 Lampert and Le Normand‐Romain 2006, pp. 119ff. (Back to text.)
12 Clare L. Taylor, ‘Trefusis, Violet (1894–1972)’, ODNB. (Back to text.)
13 The anecdote is recounted in Harris 1916, vol. 1, p. 133. (Back to text.)
14 The Times, 10 May 1917. (Back to text.)
15 E.W. Beckett, ‘England and Germany in Africa: III’, Fortnightly Review, XLVIII, August 1890, pp. 144–63, cited in Mackenzie 1974, pp. 165–75. (Back to text.)
16 Satre 1976, pp. 124 and 133. (Back to text.)
17 See RootsWeb website: www.archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/WEST‐RIDING/1999‐06/0929368859. Beckett and Churchill were among 13 Unionists who became Unionist Free Traders during the tariff reform controversy, although, unlike Churchill, Beckett did not later switch party allegiance: Satre 1976, p. 135. (Back to text.)
18 The Times, 26 October 1906, p. 4, col. 5. (Back to text.)
19 MacColl 1924. (Back to text.)
20 New York Times, 26 September 1908. (Back to text.)
21 Ibid. , 11 February 1914. (Back to text.)
22 Ibid. , 16 March 1915. (Back to text.)
23 Antoinette Le Normand‐Romain in Lampert and Le Normand‐Romain 2006, pp. 129 and 169; and see ibid. , cat. nos 353 and 356 and Hare 1987. A bronze of Rodin’s bust of Eve Fairfax is in the Victoria and Albert Museum (inv. no. A.44‐1914). The original marble is in the Iziko South African National Gallery, Johannesburg (‘Miss Eve Fairfax’, The Times, 12 June 1978, p. 16). For an account of Eve Fairfax sitting for Rodin, and of their relationship, see Holroyd 2010, passim. (Back to text.)
24 I am grateful to the 5th Lord Grimthorpe for confirming this (letter of 18 July 2008). (Back to text.)
25 Cited in Holroyd 2010, p. 40. (Back to text.)
26 For the terracotta by Clodion, see Bennett and Sargentson 2008, no. 170 (entry by Jane Bassett and Carolyn Miner). The terracotta had previously been sold anonymously in Paris, 2 or 3 July 1891 (lot 146), but it is not clear if E.W. Beckett was the buyer. An account of the sale of 10–11 May 1906 appeared in The Times, 12 May 1906, and a briefer mention appeared in the New York Times, 27 May 1906. (Back to text.)
27 Davies 1961, pp. 112–13. (Back to text.)
28 14 May 1906. (Back to text.)
29 Christie, Manson & Woods, 23 May 1903, lot 80. For its previous ownership by William Beckett, see Ward and Roberts 1904, vol. 2, p. 13. E.W. Beckett also sold sculpture, ceramics, furniture and objets d’art at Christie, Manson & Woods, 8–9 May 1902, including a terracotta by Clodion now in the Huntington Library Art Collection (see note 26). (Back to text.)
30 Rouart and Wildenstein 1975, vol. 2, p. 14. (Back to text.)
31 Ibid. , vol. 1, no. 299. The painting is now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. (Back to text.)
32 See lot 10 of the 1906 sale. (Back to text.)
33 Wildenstein 1996, vol. 2, no. 38. The painting is now in the Kunsthaus, Zurich. (Back to text.)
34 See under ‘Provenance’ in the catalogue entry for NG 5583 in Wine 2018. (Back to text.)
35 Harrisse 1898, no. 500, in which the author describes one of the pair, L’Entrevue Consolante, as by Van Gorp. The identity of the then owner is not disclosed. (Back to text.)
36 Naumann 1981, vol. 2, p. 45, no. 36e. (Back to text.)
37 Lot 25 (‘R. Ghirlandajo. Portrait of A Gentleman’) was said to be from the Cantini Collection, Florence, as was lot 42 (‘H. Holbein. Portrait of a Philosopher’). Lots 38 (‘M. Hobbema. A Woody River Scene’) and 49 (‘A. Ostade. The Interior of a Shed’) were stated to be from the collection of Count de Marcy, Paris, and lot 50 (‘J.D. Patinir. A Triptych’) from the collection of the Duc Ramboldi. The Cantini referred to might have been the noble family of that name from Pistoia. (Back to text.)
38 Ferriday 1957, p. 199. (Back to text.)
39 The forthcoming sales of both the pictures and the objets d’art were advertised in The Times of 1 May 1906. (Back to text.)
40 See Holroyd 2010, pp. 62–3. (Back to text.)
Consuelo Yznaga, Duchess of Manchester (1853?–1909) and Emilie Yznaga (1859?–1944)
- Louis‐Léopold Boilly, A Girl at a Window (NG 5583)
- Jean‐Baptiste Greuze, Portrait of a Lady (Madame de Gléon? (NG 5584)
- Nicolas de Largillierre, Portrait of a Man (Jean‐Baptiste Rousseau?) (NG 5585)
- Jean‐Marc Nattier, Manon Balletti (NG 5586)
- Jean‐Marc Nattier, Portrait of a Man in Armour (NG 5587)
- After Alexander Roslin, The Dauphin, Louis de France, as Colonel of the Dauphin‐Dragons (NG 5588)
- Louis Tocqué, Portrait of a Young Woman (NG 5590)
The Gallery’s acquisition of the paintings
In both his 1946 and 1957 catalogues of the National Gallery’s French paintings, Martin Davies gave the most recent provenance of these seven paintings as ‘Yznaga Bequest, 1945’.1 The Yznaga referred to was Miss Emilie Yznaga, and in every case, save one, Davies expressed the immediately prior provenance as ‘Probably one of the pictures that passed from the Duchess of Manchester (died 1909) [Consuelo Yznaga] to her sister, Emilie Yznaga’. The exception was the Nattier portrait of Manon Balletti where Davies was more positive, stating that it was acquired by the Duchess of Manchester in 1907 and passed to her sister, Emilie. In addition to the French pictures was one Italian School painting, namely Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo’s The Lamentation at the Foot of the Cross (NG 5589). This was first catalogued by Michael Levey in 1956. Levey stated that it was in the collection of Miss Emilie Yznaga by 1936, and added in a cautious endnote, ‘Just possibly it was among the pictures passed to [Emilie Yznaga] from her sister the Duchess of Manchester’, a formula he repeated in his 1971 catalogue.2 In fact there was no effective bequest and even if there had been one it would not have occurred in 1945. This was because the paintings had already been given to the Gallery. Its then Director, Kenneth Clark, saw the Yznaga paintings in Paris in the spring of 1936,3 and on 9 March 1937 he reported to the Trustees that Emilie Yznaga had ‘signed and deposited in the Gallery a formal Deed of Gift of her collection which … included several works of a type the Gallery lacked and were, in their kind, of the finest quality. Miss Yznaga would keep the pictures during her lifetime’.4 In fact she was not giving her collection, but only a part of it – namely, the Tiepolo and the seven pictures referred to in the headnote to this account.5 Although the deed of gift, which was dated 22 February 1937, cannot now be found, there are other references to it in the Gallery’s files,6 and it is clear that Yznaga made an immediate gift of paintings, albeit subject to her life interest. In October 1938, concerned by the possibility of war, she deposited the pictures with the National Gallery on loan,7 and the following month they were on display.8 Her life interest, which was the only outstanding interest in the paintings capable of being disposed of, expired on Emilie’s death on 1 November 1944.9 Consequently, on Emilie’s death, unless the deed of gift was expressed to be revocable and was in fact revoked, her estate had no property in the paintings capable of being bequeathed. Nevertheless, from a concern to make absolutely sure that the paintings became the Gallery’s property, Emilie made a will in English form in 1943 confirming the gift. Although the will became operative on Emilie’s death in 1944, it was only in March 1945 that her death, and presumably the will, was reported to the Gallery.10 Probably this was why Emilie Yznaga’s gift has ever since been called – wrongly – ‘Yznaga Bequest, 1945’ rather than, as it should have been, ‘Yznaga Gift, 1937’.
Consuelo Yznaga, Duchess of Manchester
Consuelo Yznaga’s parents were Antonio Yznaga del Valle, originally from Cuba, and Ellen Little Clement of Natchez, Mississippi.11 Antonio Yznaga owned a plantation at Ravenswood Place, Concordia Parish, Louisiana, where he lived with his family and 145 slaves.12 Most likely he had also already established a residence in New York before the end of the American Civil War.13 The Yznagas’ eldest child and only son, Fernando, was born in about 1850. Maria Consuelo, more often called Consuelo, was born in about 1853. The middle sister, Natica, was born in about 1856,14 and Emilie probably in 1859 in New York.15 In 1876 Consuelo married Viscount Mandeville, the son of the 7th Duke of Manchester.16
Consuelo had not reached adulthood when she and her sisters were taken to Paris by their mother. They stayed there several years until the outbreak of the Franco‐Prussian War in 1870, when they returned to Louisiana. In the meantime, Consuelo had befriended the Empress Eugénie, as well as Jennie Jerome (later Lady Randolph Churchill) and Alva Smith (later Mrs William Vanderbilt).17 As a young woman in New York, where she went in 1875,18 Consuelo was apparently one of a group of six ‘fragrant specimens of American girlhood’ who were nicknamed ‘The Bouncers’ and without whom, according to the New York Times, ‘No dance was complete … No country house frolic was a “go” …’.19 Following her marriage in New York to Lord Mandeville in 1876, which initially horrified Mandeville’s father, the 7th Duke of Manchester, who is said to have called her ‘a little American savage’,20 she went with him to England and, in the words of the Duke of Portland, ‘took Society by storm by her beauty, wit and vivacity, and it was soon at her very pretty feet’.21 Thereafter she resided mainly in England and Ireland, where her new family had residences at Kimbolton Castle, St Neots; Portman Square in London; and Tandragee Castle, County Armagh. In 1877 Consuelo gave birth to a son who would become the 9th Duke of Manchester and to twin daughters two years later. Mandeville went bankrupt in 1889,22 a year before he became the 8th Duke on the death of his father. By then the couple were living apart. According to one account Mandeville ‘formed a scandalous public liaison with Bessie Bellwood, a coarse, hoarse‐voiced, male impersonator of the music halls’.23 If Consuelo was able to console herself with Joseph Chamberlain, a member of Gladstone’s cabinet, whom she is said to have taken as a lover,24 and then with the novelist, Robert Hichens,25 the deaths of her daughters at the ages of 16 and 21 were doubtless bitter blows. Materially and socially, however, Consuelo led a charmed existence. In 1880 she and Emilie helped at a charity event led by the Princess of Wales at Kensington House.26 In 1884 she was in New York staying at the Vanderbilts’ and helping plan the huge costume ball given in honour of her and Lord Mandeville.27 In 1897 she was one of the guests at the celebrated Duchess of Devonshire’s costume ball at Devonshire House, Piccadilly (since demolished), where she is described as dressing as Anne of Austria in a gown of white, silver and gold satin and wearing a diamond crown and a single pearl on her forehead.28 Consuelo’s life revolved around both the London social scene and the out‐of‐town activities of its participants: racing at Ascot,29 yachting at Cowes,30 renting Old Mar Castle in Scotland for shooting,31 hiring White Lodge, Richmond Park, for entertaining ‘in the most lavish manner’,32 interspersed with trips to Biarritz, St Moritz33 and New York.34 Consuelo’s social prominence was such that she would make posthumous appearances in Proust’s La Prisonnière, the fifth volume of A la recherche du temps perdu, as Mme de Guermantes’s London shopping companion. Among the visitors at Mar were her sister Emilie and Edward, Prince of Wales, the future Edward VII.
It was following her return to London from New York in 1884 that Consuelo became a friend of Edward, the Prince of Wales.35 They were to remain close friends for the rest of her life.36 An account of that friendship is contained in the New York Times in 1908, after Edward had become king: Advancing years, a grandmother several times over, portly, and with few traces of the beauty and elegance for which she was formerly celebrated, she still retains her merry wit and her musical gifts which are always at the service of the King to dispel his boredom. Moreover, there are few persons who possess so intimate an acquaintance with his likes and dislikes, his prejudices and his tastes, and by catering to these the Duchess always manages to render herself agreeable in the extreme to his majesty.37 If there were some parallels between this friendship and that of Mme de Pompadour with Louis XV, it was not the music of Rameau which entertained Edward VII. According to the New York Times, when things were getting dull at Tandragee Castle during a royal visit, Consuelo and Natica delighted their majesties when they ‘got their banjos and began playing and singing the old time darky songs’.38
Never on, or anywhere near, the breadline, Consuelo became a wealthy woman in 1901 when her brother Fernando left his entire estate to her, worth between $3 million and $4 million,39 the equivalent purchasing power of which today would be $87 million to $117 million.40 As the New York Times reported it, this inheritance enabled her to ‘resume her state as a Duchess in London and to entertain a great deal’.41 In June 1909 each of the three sisters, Consuelo, Natica and Emilie, inherited some $120,000 from the estate of their father.42 When Consuelo herself died in November 1909, at her London residence at 5 Grosvenor Square, her American estate was worth nearly $2.5 million43 and her English estate had a gross value of over £300,000.44
Evidently Consuelo was a wealthy woman at the centre of the English social scene, well able to afford to buy old master paintings. If, however, the French pictures in the Yznaga Gift were acquired in France, she would have had relatively few opportunities to see her purchases in advance. Although she made trips to France from time to time both during her marriage and her widowhood – for example, at the end of 1901,45 during the winter of 1907–846 and in the late summer of 1909, the last year of her life47 – her domicile was in England.48 If she collected as such, it was jewellery rather than paintings which she bought avidly, including, among items recently auctioned,49 an antique diamond corsage brooch.50 There is, however, no mention in contemporary journals of her having any interest in paintings. No French painting, eighteenth‐century or otherwise, nor for that matter any picture by Tiepolo, appears in any lists of pictures at Kimbolton Castle.51 Some evidence that Consuelo was interested in paintings, and French eighteenth‐century ones specifically, is contained in a letter written to her by her sister Natica in 1903 describing a visit to Potsdam and Sanssouci: ‘The Emperor’s chamberlain took us to the private apartments to see a particularly lovely Watteau which has never been exhibited.’52
It is tempting to suggest that it was Emilie (who later declared herself to have been resident in France since 1901),53 not Consuelo, who was buying the pictures in the Yznaga Gift. However, in the first place, according to an old label once on the stretcher of Nattier’s Manon Balletti and noted by Martin Davies in his 1957 catalogue, the painting was sold in 1907 by the baronne de Marbot, a direct descendant of the sitter, to the Duchess of Manchester.54 That makes it likely that the Manon Balletti is ‘the portrait by Nattier’ which Consuelo bequeathed to Emilie by a codicil to her will dated 28 October 1909, rather than Nattier’s Portrait of a Man in Armour (NG 5587) which was also in the Yznaga Gift.55 The reference to ‘the’ portrait by Nattier suggests that Consuelo had only one portrait by Nattier, and it follows that it was probably Emilie who later acquired the Man in Armour.
Secondly, in the case of Tocqué’s Portrait of a Young Woman, which was sold at the sale of Thirion deceased in Paris on 10 June 1907, a copy of the sale catalogue in The Hague is annotated with the buyer’s name, ‘Duchesse de Manchester’.56 This too, therefore, was bought not by Emilie, but by Consuelo. In the evening two days before that sale Consuelo had been at Buckingham Palace at a state banquet in honour of the King and Queen of Denmark.57 It seems unlikely therefore that Consuelo was in Paris when the auction took place and more probable that she instructed an agent to buy the picture. She may have seen both it and the Manon Balletti during a trip to Paris which she made in April 1907.58
The Nattier was the only painting mentioned in the codicil. As to Consuelo’s will itself, which was dated 7 January 1909, with the exception of family portraits, a portrait of General Boyd by Gilbert Stewart (sic) and a pen‐and‐ink sketch by the Prince Imperial, all of which were left on trusts for Consuelo’s son or daughter‐in‐law, there was only one other specific bequest of paintings. This was to Emilie of ‘my four landscape paintings by Pilment [sic]’. They were not subsequently part of the Yznaga Gift, but were instead bequeathed by Emilie to the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, where they now are.59 All other specific bequests were of lace, furs and, above all, of jewellery. The residuary estate, including other moveables, was given to Consuelo’s descendants, subject, however, to certain annuities including one of £1,000 for Emilie. Presumably, therefore, the Tocqué was the subject of a lifetime gift by Consuelo to Emilie. This might be an exceptional case. At all events, Consuelo did not give or bequeath to Emilie all her French paintings. A sale at Christie, Manson & Woods, London, on 5 July 1918, on behalf of the trustees of Consuelo’s will, included the following:
- Drouais – Portrait of a Lady
- French School – Portrait of a Lady
- J.F. Dagoty Gauthier – Portrait of a Child
- Largillierre – Portrait of a Maréchal of France
- Vigée Le Brun – Portrait of Jeanne Charlotte St. Aubin
- De Troy – Portrait of a Lady60
The position therefore at Consuelo’s death was that she certainly owned a number of French eighteenth‐century paintings, mainly portraits; she bequeathed five paintings to Emilie: a Nattier portrait and four landscapes by Pillement; the Nattier she bequeathed was probably the portrait of Manon Balletti; and she must have made a lifetime gift to Emilie of the Tocqué described as ‘a portrait of Mlle. De Coislin’.
Emilie Yznaga
Emilie came to England by 1879. She was then 20, and was reportedly a favourite in London society.61 Over the next 35 years Emilie, who never married but who had a reputation for being very good company,62 was to make a number of appearances in the society pages, and was often reported to be in the company of one or other of her sisters. A recognised member of the ‘smart set’,63 she was among the invitees at a ball given at Marlborough House in 1886 by the Prince and Princess of Wales,64 and she too went to the 1897 Devonshire Ball. In 1900 she was in London for the second marriage of Lady Randolph Churchill, whom Consuelo had befriended as ‘Jennie Jerome’ some thirty years earlier.65 In 1903 she was at a dinner at Windsor Castle given by King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra for the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess Vladimir of Russia;66 in 1905 she was a dinner guest of the King and Queen at Buckingham Palace who were entertaining the Prince of Bulgaria.67 Another guest at that dinner was Sir John Murray Scott, Lady Wallace’s residuary legatee. In 1907 she was chatting to the Duchess of Westminster at Cowes,68 and in July 1914 she was among the invitees at a state ball at Buckingham Palace.69 Notwithstanding these fairly frequent trips to England, by the mid‐1890s Emilie was living mainly in Paris. Here she was a frequent companion of the immensely wealthy Baroness Clara de Hirsch, who until her death in 1899 had homes in the rue de l’Elysée and at the château de Beauregard near Marly.70 By 1902 Emilie was described as living at 70 avenue Marceau, Paris, although, as is clear, she continued to make intermittent visits abroad.71 After the end of the Great War, Emilie’s social whirl continued. For example, in 1928 she went to a dinner at the Ritz, Paris, hosted by Mortimer Schiff, the maiolica collector. Among the guests was Joseph E. Widener, whose paintings collection later became one of the cornerstones of the National Gallery of Art, Washington.72 Two years later Emilie attended a dinner given by her good friend Anthony J. Drexel at his Paris home. Among the other guests was the duc Hélie de Talleyrand‐Périgord, who filled his various houses with seventeenth‐ and eighteenth‐century works of art.73 Mixing in the same circles as noted art collectors, Emilie was herself one of their number, and owned objets d’art as well as paintings.74 In 1932 she lent a monochrome Boucher sketch, which she was to give to the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, to the major Exposition François Boucher mounted by the Fondation Foch at the Hôtel de M. Jean Charpentier (Paris, Musée des Arts Décoratifs, inv. 36231), and in 1935 she lent three pictures to an exhibition of French eighteenth‐century art at the Charlottenborg Palace, Copenhagen. Among these was one of the Pillements inherited from Consuelo. Another was the portrait by Greuze possibly of Mme de Gléon now in the National Gallery (NG 5584), and the third was a self portrait by Ducreux.75 Although an American citizen, Emilie remained a resident of Paris until she left France for New York sometime after 9 September 1939.76 When she died in 1944 the New York Times referred to her as ‘known as an art connoisseur and a collector of paints [sic]’.77
Emilie was also a significant patron of Jean Béraud (1849–1935), the painter of belle‐époque street and salon life. Emilie gave one picture by Béraud to the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, three to the Musée Carnavalet in 1934,78 and one, After the Misdeed, to the Tate Gallery. This is among the Tate pictures now on long‐term loan to the National Gallery (L 688). According to Patrick Offenstadt’s catalogue raisonné of Béraud’s work, Emilie was one of the executors of Béraud’s will.79 Offenstadt published five paintings by Béraud which show the interior of Emilie’s apartment at 142 bis rue de Grenelle, where she lived on the fifth floor.80
One of these five paintings, The Blue Sofa (private collection), is signed and dated 1912 (illustrated in Humphrey Wine, The Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings, London 2018, p. 224, fig. 4). The rest are undated. The 1912 painting was bought at the end of that year for stock by Bernheim‐Jeune direct from the artist and was recently on the art market.81 It shows the National Gallery’s portrait possibly of Mme de Gléon by Greuze (NG 5584). Two other paintings in this group by Béraud show pictures now in the National Gallery’s collection. At the centre of one is Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo’s Lamentation (NG 5589). That picture by Béraud is now in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, to which Emilie bequeathed it, as is another interior by Béraud which shows in the centre Largillierre’s Portrait of a Man (NG 5585), and to the left of it Nattier’s Manon Balletti (NG 5586). To the right of the Largillierre is a pastel painting by Perronneau.82 The Perronneau appears again, possibly in a different frame, and certainly in a different location within Emilie’s collection, in another painting by Béraud which is also in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs (Interior View of Emilie Yznaga’s Paris Apartment with a Pastel by Perronneau, inv. 36228). All three paintings by Béraud in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs were deposited there by Emilie Yznaga by 1939 and subsequently formed part of her bequest to it.83 Finally, there is a painting by Béraud in the Musée Baron Martin, Gray, which seems never to have been in Emilie’s collection (Interior of Emilie Yznaga’s Paris Apartment with a Lacquered Chest of Drawers, Gray, Musée Baron Martin, inv. 386 GR 82). It shows in the centre a mirror which was in the 1989 sale of the succession of Emilie’s legatee, Petronilla, vicomtesse de L’Hermite, who became comtesse Alain Costa de Beauregard by her second marriage. She was Emilie’s cousin, or, according to Offenstadt, her great‐niece. The Perronneau pastel shown in the painting by Béraud was also in the same sale (lot 31).84
The Blue Sofa establishes that the so‐called Mme De Gléon was in Emilie’s collection by 1912, but, since none of the other paintings by Béraud is dated, in the absence here of photographs of them it is not proposed to speculate on when they might have been made and hence the date by when Emilie must have acquired the pictures shown in them.
It may have been Emilie’s pre‐existing interest in art which prompted Consuelo specifically to bequeath to her, and her alone, old master paintings in her collection, and she might even have relied on Emilie’s advice and contacts when acquiring pictures on the Paris art market. Finally, one might further hypothesise that Emilie vigorously developed her own collection once fortified by the inheritance from her father in June 1909, worth some $3.3 million in today’s terms, and only months later by the annuity bequeathed by Consuelo, which in today’s terms was worth some £96,000 per annum.85 Emilie then had both the means and the enthusiasm to acquire all the pictures shown in Béraud’s paintings. The consequence is that – with the exception of those National Gallery pictures known to have belonged to Consuelo, namely Nattier’s Manon Balletti and Tocqué’s Portrait of a Young Woman – the remainder were possibly bought by Emilie on the art market. As a result, and pending more information emerging, it seems more appropriate to adopt for the other French eighteenth‐century paintings in the Yznaga Gift the words which Sir Michael Levey formulated for the Tiepolo: ‘Just possibly it was one of the pictures which passed to her from her sister, the Duchess of Manchester’ (my italics).
By way of a postscript, on 9 June 1909, the same day that the New York Times reported Emilie’s inheritance from her father, a self‐portrait painting by Ducreux, later recorded in Emilie’s collection, was knocked down to the expert Sortais at an anonymous sale for 20,000 francs, equivalent to some 80,000 euros today.86 If Sortais was bidding on Emilie’s behalf, it may have been because at this moment in her life, her mood was best mirrored in Ducreux’s triumphant grin.
NOTES
I am grateful to Elena Greer, former Curatorial Assistant at the National Gallery, for helping to gather some of the information on which this biographical note is based. In addition, I am grateful to Stuart Band, Alexa Cox, Richard Edgcumbe, Peter J. St B. Green, Andy Haswell, Christianne Henry, Diane Naylor, Sofia Peers, Andrew Peppitt, Maxime Préaud, Cyrille Sciama, Marianne de Voogd, David Warren and the Centre de documentation, Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, all of whom were kind enough to reply to the various enquiries I made.
1 Davies 1946 (1957), passim. (Back to text.)
2 Levey 1956, pp. 107–8; and Levey 1971, p. 241. (Back to text.)
3 NG Archive, 16/290/71: Correspondence between Clark and Yznaga, 1936. During his visit Clark also noted a painting by Ducreux which Yznaga was then intending to give to the Louvre, presumably the self‐portrait offered in the Costa de Beauregard sale at Libert et Castor, Paris, 26 June 1989, lot 32. (Back to text.)
4 NG Archives, Board Minutes, 9 March 1937. (Back to text.)
5 The National Gallery Trustees were already aware that Miss Yznaga was intending to give only part of her collection: NG Archives, Board Minutes, 12 May 1936. (Back to text.)
6 For example, NG Archive, S333. (Back to text.)
7 Tate Archive, Papers of Kenneth Clark, TGA 8812/1/4/242, letter from Clark to Yznaga, 26 October 1938. Emilie Yznaga had expressed her concern about a forthcoming war in a letter to Clark on 18 September 1938, but was initially reassured by the Munich Agreement (letter to Clark, 29 September 1938: ‘I hope that all the world is on its knees blessing Mr. Chamberlain …’). The loan is also referred to as such in NG Archives, Board Minutes, 15 November 1939. Since Emilie Yznaga had reserved a life interest to herself, her loaning the pictures was consistent with her having gifted the interest in remainder. (Back to text.)
8 Tate Archive, ibid. , letter from Clark to Yznaga, 18 November 1938. (Back to text.)
9 See The Times, 6 February 1946, ‘Legal Notices’. (Back to text.)
10 NG Archives, Board Minutes, 13 March 1945. In Emilie Yznaga’s will dated 16 February 1943 she confirmed delivery of the paintings to the Gallery with the intention of vesting ownership, and then went on to say that if that gift were deemed defective she thereby bequeathed the paintings. Martin Davies, who had a well‐founded reputation for being meticulous, must have been confused by the will. He certainly knew about the gift, because at a meeting of the Trustees in 1938 at which Davies was present, it was reported that Miss Yznaga, concerned about possible war in Europe, had deposited the paintings at the Gallery on temporary loan – necessary because she had reserved the life interest to herself – and the deed of gift was again referred to as such. Secondly, a note in Davies’s own hand made against the list of pictures in the Manod quarry in Wales in or before 1941 stated in relation to the Yznaga paintings: ‘These are now the property of the National Gallery’. (The Gallery did indeed have ownership rights in the paintings, albeit subject to the life interest.) Further evidence of Emilie Yznaga’s intention to make an immediate gift of property in the paintings is the fact that, as Clark had reported to the Trustees, the point of her making a lifetime gift rather than a bequest was to avoid the French death duties that might arise and which the Gallery would have to pay. After depositing the eight pictures with the Gallery in 1938 Yznaga planned to add ‘my picture of two young lions’ then attributed to Rubens, but offered at auction in 1989 as by Frans Snyders (Libert et Castor, Paris, 26 June 1989, lot 53), but her plan was frustrated by the war: letter to Clark of 16 December 1939(?). In this letter, which is in the Tate Archive (see note 7), she explains: ‘I wanted to leave this picture to the Metropolitan but the Director was so stupid I changed my mind. The picture belonged to the King of the Belgians Leopold the first who bought it from the Duke of Bedford in 1827. There are also 6 Guardi very good ones.’ The Snyders is identifiable in a painting of the interior of Yznaga’s apartment by Jean Béraud in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, inv. 36229. Five of the paintings described by Emilie as by Guardi were presumably lots 21 to 25 of the Libert et Castor sale. (Back to text.)
11 See RootsWeb website and www.thepeerage.com (Back to text.)
12 See ‘Concordia Parish, Louisiana: largest slaveholders from 1860 slave census schedules’ and ‘Surname matches for African Americans on 1870 census’ on RootsWeb website at www.freepages.rootsweb.com. (Back to text.)
13 See note 15. (Back to text.)
14 She too would make a transatlantic union on her marriage in 1881 to Sir John Lister‐Kaye: The Times, 15 February 1943. The dates of birth of all the siblings are given variously in various sources. For that of Emilie Yznaga, see the following note. (Back to text.)
15 The Times, 15 February 1943, p. 6: obituary of Lady Lister‐Kaye. Emilie Yznaga was born on 4 November 1859 in New York City and died a spinster at St. Luke’s Hospital, Manhattan, on 1 November 1944 according to the certificate of her death. However, Neil Jeffares kindly sent me a copy of her application for a United States passport dated 21 November 1919, wherein her date of birth is stated as 31 October 1864. (Back to text.)
16 See the New York Times, 23 May 1876, for an account of the wedding. None of the wedding gifts recorded there was of a painting. According to an online search, Consuelo’s name as given on her marriage certificate was ‘Maria Francisca de la Consolation’. (Back to text.)
17 Fowler 1993, pp. 6–9. Fernando Yznaga would marry the sister of Mrs William Vanderbilt in 1880: New York Times, 23 September 1880. (Back to text.)
18 Fowler 1993, p. 10 (Back to text.)
19 New York Times, 7 April 1907. (Back to text.)
20 Murphy 1984, p. 112. (Back to text.)
21 Quoted in Fowler 1993, p. 29. (Back to text.)
22 New York Times, 7 March 1889. Natica’s husband, Sir John Lister‐Kaye, would also become a bankrupt: ibid. , 5 November 1914. (Back to text.)
23 Ibid. , 19 August 1892. Consuelo was nevertheless at the duke’s deathbed at Tandragee Castle according to the London Times, 19 August 1892. (Back to text.)
24 Fowler 1993, pp. 43–4. (Back to text.)
25 Ibid. , pp. 65–6. (Back to text.)
26 The Times, 17 June 1880, p. 11. (Back to text.)
27 Fowler 1993, p. 49. This ball at the Vanderbilts’ home on 5th Avenue remained celebrated for many years thereafter: ‘Society at home and abroad’, New York Times, 28 October 1908. And see ‘Duke of Manchester dead’, ibid. , 19 August 1892. Consuelo Vanderbilt, who became the Duchess of Marlborough, was named after her godmother, Consuelo, Lady Mandeville, as she then was. (Back to text.)
28 Murphy 1984, p. 113. (Back to text.)
29 New York Times, 7 July 1907, where Consuelo is described as wearing ‘a gown topped with a capecoat to match of smoke‐colored silk gauze over satin’. (Back to text.)
30 Fowler 1993, pp. 59 and 67; and The Bystander, 193, 15, 14 August 1907, p. 323, in which she appears in a photograph with Lord Dunraven ‘enjoying a little jeu d’esprit’. Consuelo, Natica (Lady Lister‐Kaye) and Emilie were all staying at Egypt House: ‘Morgan’s Yacht a Cowes Feature’, New York Times, 11 August 1907. (Back to text.)
31 The Bystander, 85, 7, 30 August 1905, p. 431. (Back to text.)
32 New York Times, 2 July 1905. (Back to text.)
33 Fowler 1993, p. 60. (Back to text.)
34 Consuelo went to New York at the end of the summer of 1907, and was reportedly there about three years earlier: New York Times, 28 August and 1 September 1907. She and Natica sailed to New York in January 1908 to attend their mother’s funeral in New York. Emilie Yznaga was with her mother in Natchez, Mississippi, when she died: ibid. , 25 and 27 January, and 2 and 4 February 1908. (Back to text.)
35 Ibid. , pp. 54–5. (Back to text.)
36 On her last visit to Cowes in 1909 Consuelo was visited by King Edward and Tsar Nicholas: New York Times, 5 August 1909. (Back to text.)
37 ibid. , ‘Great changes in England under Edward VII’, 14 June 1908. (Back to text.)
38 Ibid. , ‘Society at home and abroad’, 30 July 1905; see also ibid. , 20 May 1908, for the young Yznaga girls entertaining in British drawing rooms. (Back to text.)
39 Ibid. , 17 December 1902. (Back to text.)
40 See www.measuringworth.com. (Back to text.)
41 New York Times, 7 February 1904. Consuelo made provision for her mother and two sisters from her inheritance: ibid. , 14 April 1901. (Back to text.)
42 ‘Del Valle Trust set aside’, ibid. , 9 June 1909. (Back to text.)
43 Estate of Consuelo, Dowager Duchess of Manchester, deceased. Inventory of the Securities, Property and cash composing the Capital of the American Estate. 20 November 1909, Manchester Papers (DDM51B/8), County Record Office, Huntingdon PE29 3LF, Cambridgeshire. A copy of this printed document may be found among the numerous Manchester Papers at the County Record Office, Huntingdon. I am grateful to the Archivist, Alexa Cox, for her help in enabling me to access this and the other documents from the Manchester Papers. The American estate was later held subject to UK Legacy Duty (of some $300,000) because Consuelo was deemed domiciled in Great Britain: New York Times, 13 February 1912. The principal legatee was the 9th Duke of Manchester; Emilie Yznaga inherited $24,970 ( ibid. , 2 July 1912). The sterling equivalent of $2,500,000 was some £500,000: www.measuringworth.com. (Back to text.)
44 The Times, 21 December 1909. The English estate would prove insufficient for the upkeep of 5 Grosvenor Square: ‘Dowager’s Estate aids Manchester’, New York Times, 30 December 1914. She had moved there from 45 Portman Square sometime after inheriting from her brother Fernando in 1901 (Fowler 1993, p. 62), but was still living there in late 1904 when a fire broke out there (New York Times, 27 November 1904). (Back to text.)
45 New York Times, 1 December 1901. (Back to text.)
46 Ibid. , 8 December 1907, reporting on Consuelo’s plans to visit the Riviera and Rome later. If she did go to France, it was not for long because she was in New York for her mother’s funeral, embarking from Liverpool on the Lusitania, which took place on 3 February 1908: ibid. , 25 and 27 January, and 2 and 4 February 1908. (Back to text.)
47 Fowler 1993, p. 67. (Back to text.)
48 New York Times, 13 February 1912, reporting this as the reason why Consuelo’s estate was subject to death duties in the UK. There is a portrait of her by John Singer Sargent in the Harvard Art Museums inscribed by the artist ‘Esher 1907’. The painting was probably made at Esher Place, Surrey, at the home of Sir Edgar (later Lord D’Abernon, and a Trustee of the National Gallery) and Lady Vincent, friends of Sargent: Ormond and Kilmurray 2003, no. 540. (Back to text.)
49 Christie’s, London, 15 June 2006, lots 423–5. (Back to text.)
50 Christie’s, London, 15 June 2006, lot 425, sold for £164,800 including premium. (Back to text.)
51 Manchester Papers, County Record Office, Huntingdon, DDMB61/12: Miscellaneous lists, including Kimbolton Castle pictures 1890s; M2/110: Catalogue from the Inventory of the Paintings, Prints and Miniatures at the Castle, Kimbolton with Valuations made in March, 1867 for His Grace William Drogo, 7th Duke of Manchester which notes paintings there attributed to Kneller, Dahl, Snyders, Lely, Hudson, Soldi, Vandyck, Loth, Pellegrini, Holbein, Reynolds, Soldi, Honthorst, Mengs and Ramsay; and M2/114: Estimates of costs of [restoring] pictures belonging to the Dowager Duchess at Kimbolton from F. Haines & Sons. Other than two painted fans, there were no paintings of any kind listed among the gifts made to Consuelo when she married: New York Times, 23 May 1876. (Back to text.)
52 Lady Lister‐Kaye, Letters from the Far East to Consuelo Duchess of Manchester by her sister, London and New York 1904 (printed for private circulation), p. 10: letter of 30 October 1903. (Back to text.)
53 On the passport application referred to in note 15. (Back to text.)
54 In early 1907 there were three Duchesses of Manchester besides Consuelo, the widow of the 8th Duke: Harriet, the widow of the 6th Duke; Louisa Frederica, the widow of the 7th Duke, who however became, and was known as, the Duchess of Devonshire after her marriage to the 8th Duke in 1892 (the ‘Double Duchess’); and Consuelo’s daughter‐in‐law, Helena, wife of the 9th, and then current, Duke of Manchester. In spite of this potential for confusion there is no reason to suppose that the reference to the Duchess of Manchester on the label refers other than to Consuelo. (Back to text.)
55 Emilie may well have seen the Manon Balletti when she was in London in July 1907 and almost certainly staying with Consuelo: New York Times, 14 July 1907, reporting that Consuelo and Emilie went together to a musical party in Upper Berkeley Street, London, on the previous Monday (8 July). (Back to text.)
56 Possibly the sale of the genre painter, Jean Thirion, who died in 1905. His better‐known namesake, Eugène Thirion, was not to die until 1910. I am grateful to Marianne de Voogd of the RKD , The Hague, for sending me a copy of this catalogue. (Back to text.)
57 The Times, 10 June 1907. It was followed by a party where the guests were entertained by the soprano Nellie Melba and the tenor Enrico Caruso. (Back to text.)
58 ‘Many American visitors to Paris’, New York Times, 28 April 1907. (Back to text.)
59 Emilie Yznaga bequeathed five paintings by Pillement to the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, inv. nos. 36232‐36236, so she presumably acquired another picture by the artist in addition to the four left her in Consuelo’s will. (Back to text.)
60 They comprised lots 54–9 of the sale. (Back to text.)
61 ‘Society Topics of the Week’, New York Times, 2 March 1890; ibid. , 7 May 1892, stating that Emilie ‘is very handsome and accomplished, and is a great friend of the Princess of Wales’. Emilie was some 20 years old when she made her first appearance in 1879 on the society pages of The Times. She was then noted in the company of Lord and Lady Mandeville as signing the visitors’ book at the Chislehurst (Kent) home of the Empress Eugénie to offer condolences on the death of her son, Napoléon Eugène, the Prince Imperial: The Times, 28 June 1879. (Back to text.)
62 Ponsonby 1951, pp. 205–6. (Back to text.)
63 She was included as such in 1891 by the Treasury mandarin, Edward Hamilton: Mordaunt Crook 1999, p. 241. (Back to text.)
64 The Times, 22 July 1886. (Back to text.)
65 New York Times, 12 August 1900. (Back to text.)
66 The Times, 23 November 1903. (Back to text.)
67 Ibid. , 8 March 1905. (Back to text.)
68 ‘Morgan’s Yacht a Cowes Feature’, New York Times, 11 August 1907. The ‘Morgan’ of the article’s title was J. Pierpont Morgan. Consuelo was also in Cowes, ‘as usual installed at Egypt House, a very pretty place about a mile from the Squadron’s castle’. The previous month Consuelo and Emilie had both been guests at the London home of Mrs Harry Higgins, whose daughter was shortly to marry the brother and heir presumptive of the Duke of Roxburghe: ‘An American Week in London Society’, New York Times, 14 July 1907, and ‘Miss Anna Breese weds in London’, ibid. , 11 October 1907. (Back to text.)
69 The Times, 17 July 1914. (Back to text.)
70 ‘Society at Home and Abroad’, New York Times, 30 July 1905: ‘[Emilie] was for some years a companion to the Baroness Hirsch, wife of the famous philanthropist, Baron Hirsch.’ The words ‘famous philanthropist’ show that the Baron Hirsch in question was Baron Maurice de Hirsch. And see ibid. , 1 September 1907: ‘[Emilie] spent much of her time with the Baroness Hirsch previous to the death of the latter. Miss Yznaga lives in Paris most of the time.’ The baroness died in Paris in April 1899. Conceivably Emilie became the baroness’s companion after the baron died in 1896, although both she and Baron Hirsch (but not the baroness) were among the guests at a dinner at the Savoy Hotel in January 1895: Observer, 6 January 1895, p. 6. Emilie was reported – improbably it must be said – as having opened a bonnet shop in Paris in the spring of 1899: New York Times, 8 May 1899. Whether or not that report is correct, it is unlikely without Emilie having by then becoming known as resident in Paris. (Back to text.)
71 ‘Fernando Yznaga estate’, New York Times, 17 December 1902; ‘Coming to Yznaga funeral’, ibid. , 27 January 1908 – a reference to the funeral of Mrs Ellen M. Yznaga, the mother of Consuelo, Natica and Emilie. For other visits to London by Emilie before 1914, see Observer, 14 July 1907, p. 8; New York Times, 20 November 1909 and 30 June 1912; and The Times’s ‘Court Circulars’ published on 1 July, 17 and 18 November 1913, as well as Daily Mirror, 12 July 1913, p. 7. For references to Emilie visiting the spa at Marienbad, see Observer, 26 August 1906, p. 6, and 15 August 1909, p. 7. For other pre‐1914 references to Emilie living in Paris, see New York Times, 22 April 1909. (Back to text.)
72 New York Times, 1 July 1928. (Back to text.)
73 Ibid. , 29 June 1930. In 1932 she attended a reception at the British Embassy in Paris in honour of the President of France. Among the guests were the wives of the art collector Paul Dupuy and the duc de Talleyrand‐Périgord: ibid., 17 July 1932. Emilie was also a guest of Mme Paul Dupuy and her son at the Waldorf Astoria, New York, the following year: ibid. , 20 January 1933. (Back to text.)
74 For an example of Fabergé in her collection, see Christie’s, Park Avenue, New York, 15 April 1997, lot 79. (Back to text.)
75 Exposition de l’art français au XVIIIe siècle, Charlottenborg Palace, Copenhagen, 25 August – 6 October 1935, nos 60, 88 and 170. The Ducreux was sold at auction in 1989: Libert et Castor, Paris, lot 32. (Back to text.)
76 She made a will in France on that date according to clause 7 of her will dated 16 February 1943. This will was made in New York City in accordance with English law. According to Emilie Yznaga’s death certificate, she had been resident there for two years before her death in November 1944. (Back to text.)
77 New York Times, 2 November 1944. (Back to text.)
78 As Christophe Leribault kindly informed me (his letter of 8 May 2001): NG Archive, Yznaga Information File. For the date of the gift, see Manet 2010, p. 178, no. III‐59, which is a catalogue entry on Béraud’s La Sortie du Salon, Palais de l’Industrie. (Back to text.)
79 Offenstadt 1999, p. 186. In addition to the paintings mentioned in the text to this article, Emilie Yznaga bequeathed a painting by Béraud, Au Palais, to the Musée du Barreau de Paris: Offenstadt 1999, no. 311. I am grateful to Christophe Leribault for having drawn my attention to the link between Emilie Yznaga and Béraud and to Offenstadt’s book. (Back to text.)
80 For the five paintings by Béraud, see Offenstadt 1999, nos. 208–212, pp. 186–7. For Emilie’s Yznaga’s apartment, see clause 7 of her English will dated 16 February 1943 admitted to probate on 17 January 1946. The apartment was in an annexe to the hôtel de Besenval, in which the baron de Besenval was portrayed by Danloux (NG 6598). (Back to text.)
81 Christie’s, London, 9 December 2014 (lot 14, £25,000). (Back to text.)
82 Lot 31, Costa de Beauregard sale, Libert et Castor, Paris, 26 June 1989, apparently unsold, then ultimately acquired by the Musée Antoine‐Lécuyer, Saint‐Quentin (inv. 1991.4.1): Neil Jeffares, Dictionary of Pastellists. When sold in April 1909 at the Paul Sohège sale it had fetched 3,500 francs. (Back to text.)
83 See clause 5 of Emilie’s English will cited above. That clause is drafted in the same way as the immediately following clause referring to the prior gift to the National Gallery, so possibly an effective gift to the Musée des Arts Décoratifs had been made by Emilie before her death. (Back to text.)
84 Offenstadt 1999, p. 186. The mirror was lot 95 of the sale of 26 June 1989 cited in note 82 In her English will of 16 February 1943 Emilie Yznaga confirmed the will of her French property made on 9 September 1939. In the latter she bequeathed ‘all the furniture and articles of household in [the apartment at 142 bis rue de Grenelle, Paris] excepting those I may subsequently designate to be turned over to the Arts Decoratifs or other Museums, or to relatives or friends to Vicomtesse de l’Hermitte, born Marguerite Yznaga (generally known under the first name of Petronilla or Petra), now residing at Casablanca’. The vicomtesse (1905–1989) was Emilie Yznaga’s cousin. After the death of Jean de l’Hermitte, she married comte Alain Costa de Beauregard. The Perronneau pastel was in her 1989 posthumous sale (see note 82). (Back to text.)
85 See www.measuringworth.com. The dollar calculation is based on relative purchasing power, and the sterling calculation on the Retail Price Index. And see note 40. (Back to text.)
86 I am grateful to Cyrille Sciama and to Marianne de Voogd for this information. The value of 1 franc in 1910 equalled about 4 euros in 2015: www.historicalstatistics.org. (Back to text.)
Abbreviations
- AN
- Allgemeines Künstler Lexikon
- CD
- Collection Deloynes, 65 vols, Cabinet des Estampes, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris
- MC
- Minutier central, Paris
- RKD
- The Netherlands Institute for Art History (Rijksbureau voor Kunsthistorische Documentatie), The Hague. Artists database, Rijksbureau voor Kunsthistorische Documentatie, The Hague (online), 2000– (https://rkd.nl/en/explore/artists)
Technical abbreviations
- IRR
- Infrared reflectography
- Macro‐XRF
- Macro X‐ray fluorescence
- XRD
- X‐ray powder diffraction
List of archive references cited
- London, National Gallery, Archive: Guilhem Scherf, letter, 15 April 1996
- London, National Gallery, Archive: Jane Wess, letter of , 3 May 1996
- Paris, Archives nationales, Minutier central, ET/XLIII/701: Inventaire après le décès de Madame Boilly, 11 February 1819
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 18, item 469, pp. 445–6: Exposition publique des ouvrages des artistes vivans, dans le salon du louvre, au mois de septembre, année 1795, vieux stile, ou vendemiaire de l’an quatrième de la république, par mr. Rob…
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 20, item 538, p. 53: Exposition des peintres vivans commencée le 19 juillet 1798, Mercure de France
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 21, 1799, p. 236: Journal des Arts (de Landon)
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 21, 1799, item 550: Ministère de l’interieure. Musée central des Arts (Annonce du Salon pour fructidor an VII
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 22, item 569, p. 306: Troisième examen sur cette exposition concernant la coeffure, journal des arts
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes (65 vols), vol. 22, item 627, p. 415: Coup‐d’Oeil sur le Salon de l’an VIII
- Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Deloynes, vol. 23, item 638, p. 210: Exposition des ouvrages de peinture et de sculpture. Journal de la décade philosophique, [1800]
List of references cited
- Alfeld et al. 2013
- Alfeld, A., J.V. Pedroso, M. van Eikema Hommes, G. Van der Snickt, G. Tauber, J. Blaas, M. Haschke, K. Erler, J. Dik and K. Janssens, ‘A mobile instrument for in situ scanning macro‐XRF investigation of historical paintings’, Journal of Analytical Atomic Spectrometry, 2013, 28, 760–7
- Altes 2009/10
- Altes, Everhard Korthals, ‘Félibien, de Piles and Dutch seventeenth‐century paintings in France’, Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, 2009/10, 34, 3–4, 194–211
- Anon. 1960
- Anon., ‘A Goldfish Bowl Stand by William Vile’, The Connoisseur, June 1960, 145, 25–7
- Assouline 1997
- Assouline, Pierre, Le dernier des Camondo, Paris 1997
- Atwater 2009
- Atwater, Vivian Lee, ‘The Netherlandish vogue and print culture in Paris, 1730–50’, Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, 2009/10, 34, 3–4, 239–250
- Baker and Henry 2001
- Baker, Christopher and Tom Henry, The National Gallery Complete Illustrated Catalogue, London 2001
- Bennett and Sargentson 2008
- Bennett, Shelley M. and Carolyn Sargentson, eds, French Art of the Eighteenth Century at The Huntington, New Haven and London 2008
- Bonfait 2008
- Bonfait, Olivier, ‘Du genre au genre à Paris autour de 1800: “Moelleux fini” et “Velouté du satin” de Gerrit Dou à Marguerite Gérard’, in La Peinture de Genre au Temps du Cardinal Fesch. Actes du colloque Ajaccio, 15 juin 2007, eds Philippe Costamagna and Olivier Bonfait, Ajaccio and Paris 2008, 81–91
- Boyer 1970
- Boyer, Ferdinand, ‘Une conquête artistique de la Convention: les tableaux du Stathouder (1795)’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 1970, 149–57
- Bréton and Zuber 2007
- Bréton, Etienne and Pascal Zuber, ‘Un Trompe‐l’œil de Louis‐Léopold Boilly au musée du Louvre’, Revue du Louvre et des musées de France, 2007, 57, 1, 61–8
- Burkard 2008
- Burollet, Thérèse, Musée Cognacq‐Jay. Les Collections. Pastels et Dessins, 2nd edn, Paris 2008 (1980)
- Clifton
- Clifton, Gloria, ‘Dollond family [per. 1750–1871]’, in ODNB (Oxford Dictionary of National Biography), http://www.oxforddnb.com, online edn, 2004–
- Coatelem 2015
- Coatelem, Eric, Hommage à la Galerie Cailleux, Paris 2015
- Complete Peerage 1910–59
- Doubleday, H.A., Lord Howard de Walden, G.H. White and R.S. Lea, eds, The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain, and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct, or Dormant, 12 or 13 vols, 2nd edn, London 1910–59
- Costamagna and Bonfait 2008
- Costamagna, Philippe and Olivier Bonfait, eds, La Peinture de Genre au Temps du Cardinal Fesch. Actes du colloque Ajaccio, 15 juin 2007, Ajaccio and Paris 2008
- Davies 1946
- Davies, Martin, National Gallery Catalogues: The French School, London 1946 (revised 2nd edn, London 1957)
- Davies 1957
- Davies, Martin, National Gallery Catalogues: The French School, 2nd edn, revised, London 1957
- Débarbat and Dumont 2001
- Débarbat, Suzanne and Simone Dumont, ‘Des observations astronomiques vieilles de deux siècles toujours d’actualité – un exemple relatif à Neptune’, in Optics and Astronomy: Proceedings of the XXth International Congress of History of Science (Liège, 20–26 July 1997), eds G. Simon and S. Débarbat, Turnhout 2001, 12, 195–211
- Eliel 1989
- Eliel, Carol S., ‘Genre Painting during the Revolution and the Goût Hollandais’, in 1789: French Art During the Revolution, ed. Alan Wintermute (exh. cat. Colnaghi, New York), New York 1989, 53–4
- Encyclopédie 1751–72
- Diderot, M. and M. d’ Alembert, eds, Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, 28 vols, Geneva 1751–72
- European Magazine 1790
- The European Magazine, February 1790, 85
- Ferriday 1957
- Ferriday, Peter, Lord Grimthorpe 1816–1905, London 1957
- Foucart 2009
- Foucart, Jacques, Catalogue des peintures flamandes et hollandaises du musée du Louvre, Paris 2009
- Gaborit 1998
- Adam–Gois, Musée du Louvre. Département des sculptures du Moyen Âge, de la Renaissance et des temps modernes. Sculpture française II: Renaissance et temps modernes, Gaborit, Jean‐René ed., Paris 1998, 1 (Goujon–Warin et Anonymes, Paris 1998, 2)
- Griffiths 1989
- Griffiths, Antony, ‘Louis‐Léopold Boilly (1761–1845) and his trompe‐l’œils of prints’, Print Quarterly, September 1989, 314–16
- Hallam 1979
- Hallam, John S., ‘The genre works of Louis‐Léopold Boilly’ (PhD thesis), University of Washington, 1979
- Hallam 1984
- Hallam, John S., ‘Boilly et Calvet de Lapalun, ou la sensibilité chez le peintre et l’amateur’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 1984, 177–92
- Harrisse 1898
- Harrisse, Henri, L‐L Boilly, Peintre, Dessinateur et Lithographe. Sa vie et son œuvre 1761–1845, Paris 1898
- Hazlitt 1984
- Hazlitt, Gooden & Fox, French Paintings from 1800 to 1850 (exh. cat.), London 1984
- Heim, Béraud and Heim 1989
- Heim, Jean‐François, Claire Béraud and Philippe Heim, Les salons de peinture de la Révolution française 1789–1799, Paris 1989
- Hémery 2008
- Hémery, Axel, Pas la couleur, Rien que la nuance! Trompe‐l’oeil et grisailles de Rubens à Toulouse‐Lautrec (exh. cat. Musée des Augustins, Toulouse), Toulouse 2008
- Herschel 1798
- Herschel, Caroline, Catalogue of Stars, London 1798
- Jacquemin 1869
- Jacquemin, Raphaël, Iconographie générale et méthodique du costume du IVe au XIXe siècle (315–1815). Collection gravée à l’eau‐forte d’après des documents authentiques et inédites, Paris 1869
- Jeffares 2006
- Jeffares, Neil, Dictionary of Pastellists before 1800, http://www.pastellists.com, London 2006 (online edn, 2015)
- Journal des arts 1799
- Journal des arts, de literature et de commerce, 6 September 1799 (20 fructidor, an VII), 10
- Journal des dames 1798
- Journal des dames et des Modes, 4 March 1798
- Junot 1922–32
- Junot, Laure, duchesse d’Abrantès, Mémoires. Notice, notes et commentaires par Albert Meyrac, 4 vols, Paris 1922–32
- Kahng and Roland Michel 2002
- Kahng, Eik and Marianne Roland Michel, Anne Vallayer‐Coster: Painter to the Court of Marie‐Antoinette (exh. cat. National Gallery of Art, Washington DC; Dallas Museum of Art; Frick Collection, New York; Musée des Beaux‐Arts de Marseille), New Haven 2002
- La Correspondance des dames 1799a
- La Correspondance des dames, ou Journal des modes et des spectacles de Paris, 14 April 1799 (25 germinal, an VII)
- La Correspondance des dames 1799b
- La Correspondance des dames, ou Journal des modes et des spectacles de Paris, 9 May 1799 (20 floréal, an VII)
- La Monneraye 1929
- La Monneraye, Jean de, ‘Documents sur la vie du peintre Louis Boilly pendant la Révolution’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 1929, 15–30
- Laclotte et al. 1989
- Laclotte, Michel, et al., Les Donateurs du Louvre, Paris 1989
- Le Brun 1792–6
- Le Brun, Jean‐Baptiste Pierre, Galerie des peintres flamands, hollandais et allemands…, 3 vols, Paris 1792–6
- Le Lay 2004
- Le Lay, Colette, ‘Astronomie des dames’, Dix‐Huitième Siècle, 2004, 36, 303–12
- Lynn 2006
- Lynn, Michael, Popular science and public opinion in eighteenth‐century France, Manchester 2006
- Mabille de Poncheville 1931
- Mabille de Poncheville, André, Boilly, Paris 1931
- MacLaren and Brown 1991
- MacLaren, Neil, revised and expanded by Christopher Brown, National Gallery Catalogues: The Dutch School 1600–1900, 2 vols, revised and expanded edn, London 1991
- Marmottan 1913
- Marmottan, Paul, Le peintre Louis Boilly (1761–1845), Paris 1913
- Michel 2005
- Michel, Patrick, ‘La peinture “flamande” et les goûts des collectionneurs français des années 1760–1780: un état des lieux’, in Collectionner dans les Flandres et La France du nord au XVIIIe siècle. Actes du colloque international organisé les 13 et 14 mars 2003 à l’Université Charles‐de‐Gaulle – Lille 3 par le Centre de Recherches en Histoire de l’Art pour l’Europe du Nord – ARTES, ed. S. Raux, Lille 2005, 289–306
- Michel 2009
- Michel, Patrick, ‘French collectors and the taste for Flemish painting during the eighteenth century’, in Art Auctions and Dealers: The Dissemination of Netherlandish Art during the Ancien Régime, Studies in European Urban History (1100–1800), 20, Turnhout 2009, 127–37
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- Naumann 1981
- Naumann, Otto, Frans van Mieris The Elder (1635–1681), 2 vols, Doornspijk 1981
- Notice des Tableaux 1795–6
- Notice des Tableaux des Trois Écoles, Choisis dans la Collection du Muséum des Arts, rassemblés au Sallon d’exposition, pendant les travaux de la Gallerie, au mois de Prairial an 4, Paris 1795–6 (an 4), 1798–9 (an 7)
- ODNB 2004
- ODNB (Oxford Dictionary of National Biography), http://www.oxforddnb.com, online edn, Oxford 2004–
- Oursel et al. 1975
- Oursel, Hervé, et al., Peinture Française 1770–1830, 1975 (Trésors des musées du Nord de la France (exh. cat. Musée des Beaux‐Arts, Lille; Musée des Beaux‐Arts, Calais; Musée d’Arras; Musée de Douai, La Chartreuse), Lille, 2)
- Raand 2011
- Rand, Richard, in Boilly (1762–1845), Annie Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Florence Raymond (exh. cat. Musée des Beaux‐Arts de Lille), Paris 2011, 115–16
- Rondot 2007
- Rondot, Bertrand, ‘Moïse de Camondo and the price of association’, Furniture History, 2007, 43, 303–14
- Sanders
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- Scherf 1991
- Scherf, Guilhem, ‘Autour de Clodion: variations, répétitions, imitations’, Revue de l’Art, 1991, 91, 47–59
- Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Laveissière 1988
- Scottez‐De Wambrechies, Annie and Sylvain Laveissière, eds, Boilly 1761–1845. Un Grand Peintre Français de la Révolution à la Restauration (exh. cat. Musée des Beaux‐Arts de Lille), Lille 1988
- Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011
- Scottez‐De Wambrechies, Annie and Florence Raymond, Boilly (1762–1845) (exh. cat. Musée des Beaux‐Arts de Lille), Paris 2011
- Siegfried 1995
- Siegfried, Susan L., The Art of Louis‐Léopold Boilly: Modern Life in Napoleonic France (exh. cat. Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth; National Gallery of Art, Washington DC), New Haven and London 1995
- Siegfried 2007
- Siegfried, Susan L., ‘Femininity and the hybridity of genre painting’, Studies in the History of Art. French Genre Painting in the Eighteenth Century, ed. P. Conisbee, Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts Symposium papers, XLIX, Washington DC 2007, 72, 15–37
- Siegfried 2008
- Siegfried, Susan L., ‘Boilly: ambiguïtés de genre et peinture de genre’, in La Peinture de Genre au Temps du Cardinal Fesch. Actes du colloque Ajaccio, 15 juin 2007, eds Philippe Costamagna and Olivier Bonfait, Ajaccio and Paris 2008, 115–32
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- Smith, Robert, Cours complet d’Optique; traduit de l’anglois … avec des additions considérables par L[e] P[ère] P[ezenas], 2 vols, Avignon 1767
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- Sonntag, Stephanie, Ein Schau‐Spile der Malkunst. Das Fensterbild in der holländischen Malerei des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 2006
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- ‘Téléscope’, in Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, eds M. Diderot and M. d’ Alembert, 28 vols, Geneva 1765, 16, 36–49
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- Who was Who, http://www.ukwhoswho.com, London 1920–2014 (online edn, 2014)
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- Wintermute 1989
- Wintermute, Alan, ed., 1789: French Art During the Revolution (exh. cat. Colnaghi, New York), New York 1989
List of exhibitions cited
- Fort Worth and Washington DC 1995–6
- Fort Worth, Kimbell Art Museum; Washington DC, National Gallery of Art, The Art of Louis‐Léopold Boilly: Modern Life in Napoleonic France, 1995–6 (exh. cat.: Siegfried 1995)
- Lille 2011–12
- Lille, Palais des Beaux‐Arts, Boilly (1761–1845), 2011–12 (exh. cat.: Scottez‐De Wambrechies and Raymond 2011)
- London 1984
- London, Hazlitt, Gooden & Fox, French Paintings from 1800 to 1850, 1984
- London 1993
- London, National Gallery, Sunley Room, ">Themes and Variations: Pictures in Pictures, 1993
- London and Liverpool 1989
- London, Hayward Gallery; Liverpool, Walker Art Gallery, La France: Images of Woman and Ideas of Nation 1789–1989, 1989
- Paris 1930
- Paris, Jacques Seligmann & fils, Société des Amis du Musée Carnavalet, L.‐L. Boilly, 1930
- Paris 1984
- Paris, Musée Marmottan, Louis Boilly, 1761–1845, 1984
- Stockholm 2008–9
- Stockholm, Nationalmuseum, The Deluded Eye: Five Centuries of Deception, 2008–9
The Organisation of the Catalogue
This is a catalogue of the eighteenth‐century French paintings in the National Gallery. Following the example of Martin Davies’s 1957 catalogue of the Gallery’s French paintings, the catalogue includes works by or after some artists who were not French: Jean‐Etienne Liotard, who was Swiss, Alexander Roslin, who was Swedish, and Philippe Mercier, born in Berlin of French extraction but working mainly in England.
Works are catalogued by alphabetical order of artist, and multiple works by an artist are arranged in order of date or suggested date. Works considered to be autograph come first, followed by works in which I believe the studio played a part, those which are studio productions, and later copies. Artists’ biographies are summary only.
The preliminary essay and all entries and artist biographies are by Humphrey Wine unless initialled by one of the authors listed on p. 4.
Each entry is arranged as follows:
Title: The traditional title of each painting has been adopted except where misleading to do so.
Date: The date, or the suggested date, is given immediately below the title. The reason for any suggested date is explained in the body of the catalogue entry.
Media and measurementS: Height precedes width, and measurements (in centimetres) are of the painted surface to the nearest millimetre ignoring insignificant variations. Additional information on media and measurements, where appropriate, is provided in the Technical Notes.
Inscriptions: Where the work is inscribed, the inscription is given immediately after the note of media and measurements. Information is derived from observation, whether by the naked eye or with the help of a microscope, by the cataloguer and a member of the Conservation Department. The use of square brackets indicates letters or numerals that are not visible, but reasonably presumed once to have been so.
Provenance: Information on former owners is provided under Provenance and the related endnotes.
A number of significant owners, including Sir Bernard Eckstein; Ernest William Beckett,
2nd Baron Grimthorpe; John Arthur and Mary Venetia James; Yolande Lyne Stephens; Sir
John Pringle; Mrs Mozelle Sassoon; James Stuart of Dunearn; John Webb; and Consuelo
and Emilie Yznaga, are discussed further in an appendix to this volume on the National
Gallery website, ‘Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings’ (see
https://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/research/national‐gallery‐catalogues/former‐owners‐of‐the‐eighteenth‐century‐french‐paintings
https://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/research/research-resources/national-gallery-catalogues/former-owners-of-the-eighteenth-century-french-paintings-in-the-national-gallery-1
).
Exhibitions: Long‐term loans to other collections have been included under this heading, but they do not appear in the List of Exhibitions at the end of the catalogue. Exhibitions in that list appear in date order.
Related Works: Dimensions are given where known, and works are in oil on canvas unless otherwise
indicated. They have not been verified by
first hand
first‐hand
inspection. Dimensions of drawings or prints, other than in captions to illustrations,
are not given unless they are exceptional. Dimensions are given in centimetres, but
other units of measurement used in, say, an auction catalogue have been retained.
The metric equivalent of an Ancien Régime pouce is 2.7 cm and (after 1825) that of
an inch is 2.54 cm. In the case of prints, where measurements are given, it has not
always been possible to determine whether they are of the plate or the image.
Technical Notes: All works in the catalogue were examined in the Conservation Studio by Paul Ackroyd and Ashok Roy of the Conservation and Scientific Departments respectively, generally together with the author of the catalogue entry. The records of these observations were used to compile the catalogue’s Technical Notes. In support of these studies, paint samples for examination and analysis were taken by Ashok Roy from approximately 60 per cent of the paintings in order to establish the nature and constitution of ground layers, the identity of certain pigments, to investigate possible colour changes in paint layers and to answer curatorial enquiries relating to layer structure (as determined by paint cross‐sections). A few more works had already been sampled, mainly in conjunction with past conservation treatments, and the observations from these past studies were reviewed and incorporated. These studies were carried out by Ashok Roy, Marika Spring, Joyce Plesters and Aviva Burnstock. Paint samples and cross‐sections were examined by optical microscopy, and instrumental analysis of pigments was based largely on scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive X‐ray analysis. Early in the cataloguing programme, some work with X‐ray diffraction analysis ( XRD ) was carried out for further characterisation of certain pigments. Some of these results had already been published separately; these papers are cited in the catalogue text. Similarly, any published analyses of the paint binder are cited, or if not published then reference is made to the reports in the Scientific Department files. The majority of the [page 36]analyses of the organic component of paint samples from works in this catalogue were carried out by Raymond White.
At a later stage in the cataloguing programme Rachel Billinge carried out infrared reflectography on 30 of the 72 works using an OSIRIS digital infrared scanning camera with an indium gallium arsenide (InGaAs) array sensor (8 had already been examined by infrared imaging, usually in connection with a conservation treatment). At the same time she reviewed the entries, adding observations from technical imaging (both X‐radiography and infrared reflectography) and incorporating some additional details about materials and techniques from stereomicroscopy (photomicrographs were made of 12 works). Where X‐radiographs have been made, the individual plates were scanned and composite X‐ray images assembled. Some, but not all, were further processed to remove the stretcher bars from the digital image. Some further paint samples from a few works for which there were still outstanding questions at this stage in the cataloguing programme were examined and analysed. These analyses were carried out by Marika Spring, with contributions on individual paintings from Joanna Russell, Gabriella Macaro, Marta Melchiorre di Crescenzo, Helen Howard and David Peggie.
Macro‐X‐ray fluorescence scanning was carried out by Marika Spring and Rachel Billinge on one work, Perronneau’s pastel, A Girl with a Kitten (NG 3588), to provide fuller understanding of its means of creation than had been available from earlier analyses of the materials. The pastel was scanned during the summer of 2015 thanks to the loan of a Bruker M6 Jetstream macro‐X‐ray fluorescence scanner by Delft University of Technology through collaboration with Dr Joris Dik, Antoni van Leeuwenhoek Chair, Materials in Art and Archeology, Department of Materials Science and Dr Annelies van Loon, now Paintings Research Scientist at the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. This mobile system, the first commercially available macro‐XRF scanner, was developed by Bruker Nano GmbH in close collaboration with Antwerp University and Delft University of Technology (see Alfeld 2013, pp. 760–7). This examination included transmitted infrared reflectography and some further directed sampling to aid interpretation of the new results.
Frames: Information is given only in the case of a frame which is, or which is likely to be, original to the painting.
Text: With the exception of the Lagrenée, which was not formally acquired until July 2016, the entries take account of information and opinions of which the cataloguers were aware as at 30 June 2016.
Lifespan dates, where known, are given in the Provenance section and in the Index.
General References: These do not provide a list of every published reference. The annual catalogues published by the Gallery before the First World War mainly repeat the information in the first Gallery catalogue in which the painting in question was published. Consequently, only the first catalogue and later catalogues containing additional or revised information have been referenced. In all relevant cases references have been given to Martin Davies’s 1946 and 1957 catalogues. In the case of works acquired after 1957, reference is made to the interim catalogue entry published in the relevant National Gallery Report. No reference to entries in the Gallery’s Complete Illustrated Catalogue (London 2001) has been given since they contained no previously unpublished information. Other references are to catalogues raisonnés and other significant publications concerning the painting in question.
Bibliography: This includes all references cited in the endnotes to catalogue entries other than references to archival sources, which are given in full in the endnotes. Cited articles from newspapers, magazines, the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography and Who Was Who have usually been accessed via their respective online portals.
List of Exhibitions: This is a list of exhibitions in which the paintings have appeared. The list is in date order. The author of the accompanying exhibition catalogue or catalogue entry is given where known. Exhibition catalogues are included in the Bibliography, by author.
About this version
Version 3, generated from files HW_2018__16.xml dated 06/03/2025 and database__16.xml dated 09/03/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Entries for NG1090, NG2897, NG4078, NG5583, NG6422, NG6435, NG6445, NG6495, NG6592, NG6598 and NG6600-NG6601 marked for publication.
Cite this entry
- Permalink (this version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EB2-000B-0000-0000
- Permalink (latest version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0E7E-000B-0000-0000
- Chicago style
- Wine, Humphrey. “NG 5583, A Girl at a Window”. 2018, online version 3, March 9, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EB2-000B-0000-0000.
- Harvard style
- Wine, Humphrey (2018) NG 5583, A Girl at a Window. Online version 3, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EB2-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 26 March 2025).
- MHRA style
- Wine, Humphrey, NG 5583, A Girl at a Window (National Gallery, 2018; online version 3, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EB2-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 26 March 2025]