Catalogue entry
Antoine Watteau 1684–1721
NG 2897
La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love)
2018
,Extracted from:
Humphrey Wine, The Eighteenth Century French Paintings (London: National Gallery Company and Yale University Press, 2018).
Humphrey Wine and Virginia Napoleone, Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings in the National Gallery:
Appendix to ‘The National Gallery Catalogues: The Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings’ (London: National Gallery Company, 2018).

© The National Gallery, London
Probably 1717–18
Oil on canvas, 51 × 60.1 cm
Provenance1
In the collection of Denis Mariette (1666–1741) by 1729;2 in his posthumous inventory of 16 October 1741;3 by inheritance to his daughter and sole legatee, Jeanne‐Justine Chomel (died 13 December 1782?);4 sale of Sir John Pringle (1784–1869) (see the Appendix to this volume on the NG website), London, Christie & Manson, 13 May 1837, lot 53, £90 6s. to Pennell;5 Philips collection according to Goncourt;6 in the collection of Yolande Lyne Stephens (1813–1894) (see the Appendix to this volume on the NG website) when exhibited in 1874 (see under Exhibitions); her posthumous sale, Christie, Manson & Woods, London, 9 May 1895, lot 366, £3,507 to Agnew’s; sold by that firm to Julius (later Sir Julius) Wernher (1850–1912), mining magnate and philanthropist, on 13 May 1895 for £3,869 5s.;7 recorded in the Pink Drawing Room of Wernher’s London home at Bath House, Piccadilly, London;8 bequeathed by Sir Julius Wernher, Bt, 1912.9
Exhibitions
Paris 1874 (529); London 1898 (59); Bristol, Newcastle and London 2003.
Related Works
Paintings
A. Compositions by Watteau with one or more similar figures
In cases in which the composition was the subject of a print in the catalogue of prints by Dacier and Vuaflart published in 1922 (DV) (as part of a four volume work published 1921–9), the relevant DV number is given.
- (1) Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Gemäldegalerie, oil on canvas, 115 × 167 cm, inv. 474 B (fig. 1). An autograph work by Watteau, known as La Récréation galante, in which the principal group of guitarist and female companion in NG 2897 appears slightly left of centre.10 The scale of this group is virtually identical in both paintings, although there are small adjustments to these figures as between one painting and the other.11 A painting attributed to Lancret in Wildenstein 1924, no. 377 (Munich, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, oil on canvas, 127.5 × 192 cm, inv. 1161) has a similar figural composition to the Berlin painting, but a different landscape background.
- (2) Original lost. In the posthumous sale of the comtesse de Verrue, Paris, 27 March 1737, known from the engraving [page 548]by Jacques‐Philippe Lebas called Assemblée galante, and presumably autograph, by Watteau: see DV 139,12 according to which the original painting was the same size as the print, namely 37.1 × 51.6 cm. It was most likely painted before the Berlin picture.13 The composition is close to, but not identical with, the Berlin picture. The guitarist in NG 2897 appears in reverse in the engraving, but his female companion is differently posed.
- (3) Lost. First recorded in the Jullienne collection, a composition known through a print by C.N. Cochin called Le bosquet de Bacchus (DV 265) on the right of which appears a child with its head on its hand, close to that in NG 2897. According to the print, the painting measures 1 pied, 7 pouces × 1 pied, 11 pouces, that is, 51.3 × 62.3 cm. The copy (on copper) of the painting recorded as DV 265 (in the same direction as the print) in Lady Wantage’s collection, and once regarded as the original, was sold at Drouot, 13 March 1989 (lot 53).14
- (4) Lost. A child with its head on its hand close to that in NG 2897 also appears in L’Occupation selon l’age, a composition known from a print by C. Dupuis (DV 208). According to Dacier and Vuaflart the original painting is the same size as the print, namely 32.7 × 41.6 cm. A version of the painting catalogued as a copy is in the National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin, inv. 1321, oil on canvas, 34 × 42 cm.15
- (5) A figure substantially like that of the guitarist in NG 2897, but in reverse, appears right of centre in Fête champêtre by Watteau with possible assistance of Jean‐Baptiste Pater (Art Institute of Chicago), but his female companion is not looking at him and her body is hidden by other figures in the painting. In addition an X‐radiograph shows that the woman with a fan who is seated left of centre was initially positioned rather like the woman holding the music in NG 2897.16
- (6) Los Angeles, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, L’Accord parfait (p. 568, fig. 2), oil on panel, 35.5 × 28 cm, inv. AC 1999.18.1 (DV 23). The couple walking away from the viewer in the Los Angeles painting is an inverted and differently costumed version of that in NG 2897.
B. Copies of NG 2897
- (1) A presumed copy on wood, 33 × 45 cm, Charles Iweins sale, de Brauwere, Brussels, 9–10 April 1892, lot 101,17 and in the Charles Iweins deceased sale, Van Halteren and de Brauwere, Brussels, 16 February 1898, lot 129.18
- (2) A painting on canvas, 27.9 × 35.5 cm, signed ‘Dietricy Pinx 1753’, (that is, Christian Wilhelm Ernst Dietrich, 1712–1774), was recorded by Davies 1957, p. 222, at Bagnères‐de‐Bigorre. In his manuscript note in the National Gallery dossier Davies called it: ‘A queer copy inverted & with the colours different … obviously done after Le Bas’ engraving’.
- (3) An inverted copy, called ‘The Love Song’, and attributed to Lancret, 78.7 × 62.2 cm, was sold at Christie’s, London, 6 April
1955, lot 175, £25 4s. to Waters.
[page 549]
Fig. 1 Antoine Watteau, La Récréation galante, about 1718–20. Oil on canvas, 115 × 167 cm. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie. BERLIN Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie © Jörg P. Anders 2017 / Photo Scala, Florence / bpk, Bildagentur für Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte, Berlin
- (4) A copy on copper, 22.2 × 27.9 cm, Christie’s, London, 11 November 1955, lot 53.
- (5) A copy, called ‘Continental School, c. 1900’, oil on canvas, 49.5 × 60 cm, signed and inscribed ‘Dupres [D’aprés?] [?] Watteau, M Behar?’, Bonhams, Chelsea, 11 January 2000.
- (6) A variant copy in reverse attributed to the ‘Circle of Jean Antoine Watteau’, oil on canvas, 63.5 × 75.6 cm, Sotheby’s, New York, 5 June 2002, lot 79.
- (7) A variant copy in reverse attributed to the ‘École française fin XIXe – début XXe’, oil on canvas, 16.5 × 23 cm, Eurl SVV Patrick Declerck, Douai, 29 November 2010, lot 79.
- (8) Not a copy, but one may note that in Jean‐Baptiste Pater’s Le concert amoureux (London, Wallace Collection, oil on canvas, 57.1 × 46.2 cm, inv. 383) the guitarist has a broadly similar pose to the guitarist in NG 2897. An autograph version of Pater’s composition with slight modifications is at Charlottenburg Palace.19
Drawings
A. By Watteau, here proposed as connected with NG 2897,
and numerically ordered as in Rosenberg and Prat’s 1996 catalogue raisonné of Watteau’s drawings (RP).20 Drawings rejected by Rosenberg and Prat as autograph works by Watteau are here listed under C, Drawings by others, and are prefixed by R rather than RP. Where the drawing in question also appears in the 1957–8 Parker and Mathey catalogue raisonné21 the relevant PM number is also given.
- (1) RP 399 (PM 636) (fig. 2). Of the two figures in the drawing, that at the left appears as the woman with the child just behind the principal figures in NG 2897. The drawing is dated to about 1715–16 in RP.22 The same figure is there connected also to a figure in the background of Dulwich Picture Gallery’s Les Plaisirs du Bal, but the figure in question in that painting is seated in a more upright position.
- (2) RP 409 (PM 690) (fig. 3). Dated in RP to about 1715–16. The child at the right appears without its hat at the right of NG 2897, as well as in L’occupation selon l’age (see under Paintings A (4)) and Le bosquet de Bacchus (see under Paintings A (3)).23
- (3) RP 470 (fig. 4). According to Grasselli it is ‘clearly related to the couple [at the right] in the London painting but later than it’, and she suggested that the pose of the woman in the drawing was derived from the drawing now only known through a counterproof (RP 500), for which see below.24 She dates NG 2897 to 1716–17 and RP 470 to about 1717–18, and sees a closer connection between RP 470 and RP 599, from there leading towards the Dresden Gemäldegalerie Plaisirs d’amour. The position of the legs and visible forearm of the man, the turn of the woman’s head, and the position of her left arm in that painting, are rather different to the positions of the corresponding figures in the Dresden picture. Instead, and notwithstanding slight differences, RP 470 is not preparatory to the Dresden picture, but is a study used for the couple at the extreme right of NG 2897, a possibility not mentioned by RP, who tentatively suggest its date as about 1716. The couple at the right of the rapidly drawn sketch RP 599 in Chicago, which is certainly connected to the Dresden painting, may be derived from RP 470 or from NG 2897.
- (4) RP 479 (PM 830) (fig. 5). A part of this drawing at the left measuring 12.8 × 4.7 cm is missing and has been restored, and the drawing may have been cut along the bottom. The figure at the left was used for the guitarist in NG 2897, as it was for Watteau’s Assemblée galante (lost, see DV 139 and Paintings A (2)) and his La Récreation galante in Berlin (see Paintings A (1)). The guitarist in the Berlin painting wears a ruff, which he does not in the drawing or in NG 2897. On the other hand the construction of the beret in NG 2897 – radiating folds attached to a central, circular retaining button – is unlike the loose, floppy construction of the beret in the drawing and the Berlin picture. The body of the guitarist at the left of RP 479 is more upright than in NG 2897, and the guitar is held at a less acute angle to the ground. RP 479 is dated by Rosenberg and Prat to about 1716.25 The guitarist at the right of the sheet and the outstretched arm at the top were both used for Watteau’s La Perspective (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. 23.573), which may be dated 1715–16. The guitarist at the right of the drawing may have provided Watteau with his first thought for the position of the legs of the guitarist in NG 2897 (see Technical Notes, below).
- (5) RP 498 (fig. 6).26 Once in the Goncourt collection, present whereabouts unknown, a counterproof. Rosenberg and Prat were unable to connect it to any known painting. However, when the standing figure at the right of this counterproof is reversed, as it would have been in the drawing from which RP 498 was taken, it corresponds closely to the woman in the background of NG 2897 seen leaving with her companion, especially in the emphasis on the vertical folds of her dress, the large gather of material in the small of her back, and the horizontal fold near the elbow of her left arm (which, as one would expect, appears as the right arm in NG 2897). The drawing is dated about 1716–17 in RP.
- (6) RP 500 (PM 621) (fig. 7). A counterproof in red and black chalks of a lost drawing, which must have served for the seated woman at the extreme right of NG 2897, is in a New York private collection, dated about 1716–17 in RP.
- (7) RP 503 (PM 641) (fig. 8). Damaged lower left, possibly cut down the right‐hand margin, although, as pointed
out in RP, the forearm seems to stop short of the edge. The figure of the seated man has been
recognised as preparatory for that of the seated man at the right of NG 2897.27 Grasselli connected the arm at the right of the sheet to a figure of a man turning
towards a woman holding a fan in Les plaisirs du bal (Dulwich Picture Gallery, inv. 156), but this was rightly doubted by RP. Although the arm has been said not to have been used for NG 2897,28 in fact it closely corresponds, both in its position and in the dark accents in the
drapery, to the proper right arm of the woman holding the book of music.29 There is one smudged line of the man [page 551][page 552]
that appears to be under the disconnected arm, but it is not possible to say with
certainty from the strokes of chalk alone that the arm was drawn later.30 However, the position of the disconnected arm at the edge of the sheet strongly suggests
that Watteau added it after having drawn the figure of the seated man. Grasselli first
dated the drawing ‘no earlier than 1717’31 but later revised this to 1715–16.32 According to RP, it is as likely on stylistic grounds to be of 1716 as 1717.
Fig. 2 Antoine Watteau, Study of Two Women, about 1715–16. Red chalk on cream paper, 20.2 × 34 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. AMSTERDAM Rijksmuseum © Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 3 Antoine Watteau, Studies of a Child, about 1715–16. Red chalk with white highlights, traces of pen and black ink on light brown paper, 13.4 × 17.4 cm. Paris, Musée du Louvre. PARIS Musée du Louvre © RMN‐Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) / Gérard Blot
Fig. 4 Antoine Watteau, Seated Couple, about 1717–18. Red chalk on paper, 21.3 × 18.3 cm. Boston, The Horvitz Collection. PRIVATE COLLECTIONS © Michael Gould
Fig. 5 Antoine Watteau, Study of Figures, about 1716. Red, black and white chalks on brown paper, 24.2 × 37.9 cm. London, The British Museum. LONDON The British Museum © The Trustees of the British Museum
Fig. 6 Antoine Watteau, Study of Figures, about 1716–17. Red, black and white chalks on paper, 23 × 30 cm. Whereabouts unknown. © The National Gallery, London
Fig. 7 Antoine Watteau, Study of Seated Woman, about 1716–17. Red and black chalks on paper, 22.8 × 17.8 cm. New York, Private collection. PRIVATE COLLECTIONS © Courtesy of the owners
Fig. 8 Antoine Watteau, Study of a Seated Man and of an Arm, about 1716. Red, black and white chalks on light brown paper, 20.8 × 22.7 cm. New York, Morgan Library and Museum, Gift of Mr and Mrs Eugene Thaw. NEW YORK The Morgan Library © The Morgan Library, New York
- (8) RP 522 (PM 786) (fig. 9). The half‐figure at top left was used for the woman holding the book of music in NG 2897 (and for the similar figure in the Berlin Récreation galante noted in Paintings A (1) above). There are a number of differences between this woman and the woman in the Berlin picture. The poor condition of that painting precludes drawing any firm conclusions from this,33 but there is also a small difference between the woman as drawn and the one in NG 2897, in that the hair of the latter has been pulled back more tightly to make it straighter. RP 522 is dated by RP 1716–17.34 RP note two recorded counterproofs after the drawing, one in the British Museum, inv. 1860,0616.137, the other whose whereabouts are unknown.35
- (9) RP 591 (PM 815) (fig. 10). Used for the guitarist in NG 2897, as well as for the Berlin picture (fig. 1 and Related Works, Paintings A (1)) and the lost L’Assemblée galante (Paintings A (2)). However, the position of the fingers is
different, as is, more obviously, the position of the legs. The costume is drawn with
more precision than in RP 479 (fig. 5) and, as in the Berlin picture, but not NG 2897, the figure wears a ruff. In spite
of the absence of a beret RP 591 would appear to be essentially a costume study and to have been developed from
RP 479, which was more likely a study for the pose of the upper part of the body and
the hands. It is dated 1717–18 by RP, but the style of the drawing seems close to that of RP 501, which is dated by RP to 1716–17.
Fig. 9 Antoine Watteau, Study of Figures, 1716–17. Red, black and white chalks on cream paper, 34.1 × 24.1 cm. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Forsyth Wickes Collection. BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS Museum of Fine Arts © 2018 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
B. Drawings by Watteau, but less certainly, or less directly, connected with NG 2897
- (1) RP 328 (PM 595). Seen by Roland Michel 1984b as connected to the main female figure in NG 2897 (and in other paintings), but not so regarded by RP. Certainly the turn of the head and the position of the hands are different. The drawing may have been made with no specific composition in mind, as suggested by Margaret Morgan Grasselli, or it may have been used for the lower half of that figure’s body, as Vogtherr has suggested,36 but both the fall of drapery and the angle of the sole of the foot in relation to the ground differ.
- (2) RP 384 (PM 569). Not previously connected with NG 2897, but possibly an earlier study for the
woman seated at the extreme right. Compared to NG 2897, however, the drapery has differences,
the right hand is absent, and the [page 553]
tilt of the head is slightly more towards the right. Possibly, the original of the
drawing of which RP 500 (fig. 7) is the counterproof was developed from RP 384. Dated 1715–16 by RP.
Fig. 10 Antoine Watteau, Study of a Guitarist, about 1717. Red and black chalks and brown ink on paper, 26.9 × 18.9 cm. Rouen, Musée des Beaux‐Arts. ROUEN Musée des Beaux‐Arts © Agence Albatros / Réunion des Musées Métropolitains Rouen Normandie
- (3) RP 421. Not previously connected with NG 2897, nor probably directly used for it, but the head of the Virgin is sufficiently close to that of the woman seated at the right of the painting to suggest that it provided a type which Watteau would use in a number of his paintings. Of these the head in NG 2897 is the closest to the head in the drawing.37 An engraving after this drawing was made by Jean de Jullienne. An inscription on a proof of the engraving in the Bibliothèque nationale, Paris reads: ‘Le dessein original est du Schidone il est des deux tiers plus petit et on le voit dans la Collection de Mr Mariette. Watteau qui le trouvait Charmant la dessiné tel que le voici et c’est Mr de Julienne qui l’a gravé’. It has been suggested that Watteau copied Schedoni’s drawing while it was in the Crozat collection and that Pierre‐Jean Mariette acquired it at the Crozat sale in 1741, the inscription therefore being later.38 The inscription most likely refers to Pierre‐Jean Mariette, but could conceivably be a reference to his father, Jean, or even to Pierre‐Jean’s uncle and first recorded owner of NG 2897, Denis Mariette. No drawings, however, were recorded in Denis Mariette’s posthumous inventory.
- (4) RP 431 (PM 436) (fig. 11). Discussed under Subject, below. Date 1715–16 in RP.
- (5) RP 490 (PM 579). Red, black and white chalks, stomping and pencil on light brown paper, Paris,
Louvre, inv. 3336. The figure at the left of this sheet bears some resemblance in
reverse to the principal female figure in NG 2897, but,
[page 554]
contrary to the views of Goncourt and of Parker and Mathey,39 insufficient to be convincing as connected to the painting, and has been rejected
as such by RP.
Fig. 11 Antoine Watteau, Landscape with Figures after Domenico Campagnola (?), 1715–16. Red chalk, 22.3 × 30.4 cm. San Francisco, The Fine Arts Museums, Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA The Fine Arts Museums © Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, California
- (6) RP 599 (PM 858). The date suggested in RP is 1717–18. See commentary under Drawings (A 3).
C. Drawings by others
- (1) R 35. Basel, Öffentliche Kunstsammlung, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. 1948.182.11. A drawing by an eighteenth‐century(?) French hand of the principal figures has rightly been rejected by RP as by Watteau.
- (2) R 124. Dijon, Musée Magnin, inv. MMG 1938‐971. Possibly a copy by a later eighteenth‐century French hand of the head of the woman at the extreme right of NG 2897, although the expression is less tranquil.
- (3) R 519. Paris, Musée Cognacq‐Jay, inv. J.188. As noted by RP, a partial copy (in reverse) of RP 409 (see Drawings (A 2) above), which has been attributed to Boucher, an attribution now doubted on stylistic grounds.40
- (4) R 625. Whereabouts unknown. As stated by RP, a counterproof of a copy after RP 384 (for which see Drawings (B 2) above).
Engravings
- (1) DV 199 (fig. 12). Identified in DV as an etching, it is in reverse by Jacques‐Phillipe Le Bas made in or before 1729,
published by François Chereau and titled La Game [sic] d’Amour at left;41 Amoris Diagramma Musicum at right. No verse is inscribed on it.42 A counterproof of this etching, hence in the same direction as NG 2897, and not noted
by Dacier and Vuaflart, exists in the Collection Edmond de Rothschild, Paris, Louvre,
département des Arts graphiques, inv. 21747 LR.43
Fig. 12 Jacques‐Philippe Le Bas after Antoine Watteau, La Game d’Amour – Amoris Diagramma Musicum, about 1729. Etching, 27.4 × 34.6 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. AMSTERDAM Rijksmuseum © Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
- (2) Etching in reverse by François Boucher after the bust‐length study of a child on the right‐hand side of RP 409.44
- (3) DV 199A. Identified in DV as an etching, it measures 26.6 × 34.5 cm and is inscribed in the plate at left: ‘C.P. Caes Maj.’; in the centre: ‘No. 20’; and at right: ‘Mart. Engelbrecht ex. A.V.’.
- (4) Rosenberg and Prat 1996, engraving no. 67. An etching by Pierre‐Charles Trémolières of a standing female figure seen from behind. Although connected by RP to NG 2897, there are too many differences between it and the figure in the background of the painting for this to be said to be after it. Jacques Vilain identifies the etching as after a study of a figure in Watteau’s La Perspective now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.45
Technical Notes
The impasto has been somewhat flattened during a lining treatment, as was noted in 1946 in the Conservation dossier, and there is wear and retouching at the edges. There is a vertical tear some 4 cm long above the woman’s head, a loss behind her head, and another to the left of the tree. There is also a very small loss to the exposed part of the singer’s proper left breast and a few others at the very bottom of the canvas. NG 2897 has been retouched in front of her head, between her bodice and the music book, in her companion’s right hand and in the background figures. The music book itself is mainly intact, but the branch to the right of the herm has been reinforced. There is a splash of red paint, which is most likely original, in the singer’s skirt. There is a heavy craquelure in parts of the picture. The pattern of cracks in the singer’s skirt suggests that, as was typical of Watteau, a layer of paint was applied over an earlier layer that was not yet completely dry. The painting was last cleaned and retouched in 1958.
The support is a rather coarse plain‐weave canvas, strongly cusped all round, which was lined prior to NG 2897’s acquisition in 1912. Its reverse bears a label (possibly dating from the nineteenth century) on which has been written in ink: ‘74’. From visual observation the painting has a ground consisting of a layer containing red‐brown ochre, and a warm mid‐brown layer of mixed pigment on top.46 Prussian blue has been detected microchemically in the greenish‐blue paint of the sky, where it is mixed with white and small amounts of green earth and Naples yellow (lead antimonite yellow). Naples yellow has been confirmed by analysis in the skirt of the woman holding the music book. Green earth occurs widely in the foliage and background greens. The red lake used in the guitarist’s costume has faded.47
The X‐radiograph suggests some changes in the area of the guitarist’s proper right hand, and that the background was painted leaving spaces in reserve for the figures in the background. NG 2897 has been examined by Rachel Billinge using infrared reflectography (fig. 13). Her report notes a simple, linear underdrawing for all the figures in the painting, made with paint using a brush.48 There is visible to the naked eye a line near the guitarist’s proper right calf (fig. 14). This is in fact underdrawing rendered visible by [page 555] the thin final layers of paint becoming more transparent with age. The underdrawn outline of the calf began to the left of the painted position at knee level, crossing under the painted calf to form the ankle, itself level with the toes of the painted left foot. Thus the underdrawn right foot was closer to the painted left foot, and its toe ended where the rose is now painted on the shoe. It may be noted that the angle of the underdrawn outline is close to that of the proper right calf of the right‐hand guitarist in RP 479. There is also what might be a bow underdrawn, but not painted, at the right knee. The left leg seems also to have been moved slightly to the right. The guitarist’s proper right shoulder was underdrawn slightly higher, and the outline of his jacket to the right of his right hand is clearly visible in the reflectogram. A series of lines projecting out from the guitar a short way along his leg are also underdrawing, possibly for a slashed or fringed bottom edge to the jacket. Also visible in the reflectogram is underdrawing for what appears to be a smaller guitar. The underdrawing for the [page 556] main female figure is more closely followed in the finished painting, albeit with slight changes to the neckline of her dress, and to her left hand, which seems to have been drawn slightly lower. Her ear was first painted flatter against her head, and so to the left of its final position, before being repainted as it is now seen. The smaller background figures also show some underdrawing, with only slight changes to the group with the child on the right. The reflectogram is difficult to interpret in the area of the standing couple to the right of the guitar (fig. 15) since it shows the paint used for the figures’ draperies as well as underdrawing for them roughly in their painted positions. Also visible in this area of the reflectogram are more lines and dark areas, which may be an initial drawing and blocking‐in for two standing figures slightly smaller in scale and lower down.

Infrared reflectogram of NG 2897. © The National Gallery, London

Detail of NG 2897 showing the guitarist’s proper right calf. © The National Gallery, London

Infrared reflectogram detail of NG 2897 showing the standing couple to the right of the guitar. © The National Gallery, London
Discussion
By the eighteenth century the music‐making couple had a long tradition in Western art, especially in Northern and Venetian painting,49 and the theme was also long established in pastoral poetry. The links between poetry and Watteau’s paintings were recognised by his contemporary, the comte de Caylus.50
The compositional arrangement of the principal couple in NG 2897, and in the other paintings by Watteau in which they appear, may have had their origin in a copy Watteau made of a lost drawing after a Venetian draughtsman, possibly Domenico Campagnola (1500–1564) (fig. 11).51 The pose of the violinist is close to that of the guitarist in NG 2897, and his position in relation to the seated figure at whom he is looking is close to the relative positions of the main protagonists in the painting.
The popularity of the guitar, which on account of its soft sound was perceived as an instrument to be played among intimates,52 was in temporary decline in court circles when NG 2897 was painted.53 Within Watteau’s oeuvre, however, guitarists appear frequently, and the guitarist as posed in NG 2897, or a figure very like him, and a female companion, appear in other known compositions (see Related Works, Paintings). Although Watteau counted amateur guitarists among his personal friends,54 there is no reason to suppose that any of the figures in NG 2897 are portraits. The painting’s title, as with the titles of most of Watteau’s works, derives from the title of the print made some years after it, in this case by Le Bas, published by François Chereau (see Engravings (1)), although that does not exclude the possibility that the print adopted the title by which NG 2897 was already known. ‘La Gamme d’Amour’ (‘The Scale of Love’) may be taken as a reference to the musical scale, to the various stages of flirtation and seduction, and to the music which here provides their catalyst. The word gamme also had various secondary meanings (knowledge, ability and custom) which might have enriched the print for contemporaries, as might the figure of speech describing a person as ‘hors de gamme’, meaning that he had lost his way ‘comme un Musicien qui a perdu son ton’.55
The guitarist is dressed in theatrical costume of a kind then available for sale or for hire in Paris,56 and whose archaism, it has been suggested, was part of Watteau’s poetic distancing of his subject.57 His companion wears a costume consisting of a separate bodice and skirt which was strictly informal attire for the fashionable woman and worn in the privacy of home or for country pursuits.58 It was not specific to any particular period such as might assist with the dating of NG 2897. She appears to look at the guitarist’s proper left hand to gauge the note he is about to play, and together they might be reaching an understanding on the embellishments of the musical score with the implied meaning of mutual flirtation.59 To the right, a seated couple make moves towards each other, and in the background another couple leave the scene to do whatever the spectator imagines. Between the guitarist and the seated couple is another seated woman looking pensively at a child leaning on her lap. The child looks out at the viewer. Possibly, one is meant to read the mother as being the same woman as those in the background at a subsequent stage of her life, and the child as the fruit of the offstage liaison possibly intended to be implied by the departing couple.60
Although the guitarist is in fantasy costume, the guitar is an accurate rendition of a type made by the Voboam dynasty of instrument makers in Paris in the years 1650 to 1730.61[page 557] The prototype, of which there were numerous varieties, and of which examples still exist, consisted of a body of ebony and was embellished with marquetry decoration in alternate coloured woods around the soundboard and sound‐hole,62 and ebony ‘moustaches’ on either side of the bridge. In NG 2897 there are two lines of inlay around the sides of the guitar, marquetry decoration around the edge of the soundboard but not clearly around the sound‐hole, which has a single thin pale inlay and a wider dark (ebony?) inlay outside it, and an ebony ‘moustache’ on either side of the bridge. The back of the instrument cannot be seen, but neither the head nor the finger‐board appears to be decorated, so that overall the guitar in NG 2897 appears relatively simple in its decoration. Florence Gétreau sees similarities between the guitar in NG 2897 and one (more elaborately decorated) made by Jean‐Baptiste Voboam in 1708 (fig. 16).63

A guitar made by Jean‐Baptiste Voboam in Paris in 1708. Cedar or yew wood, ebony and ivory. L. 91 cm. Paris, Musée de la Musique. PARIS Musée de la Musique © Jean‐Marc Anglès
The musical score is less convincing than the instrument and probably does not represent a real piece. There may be indications of a title at the top of the left‐hand page, but it is impossible to confirm this. The music shows a single line melody, rather than a score for singer and guitar accompaniment, and there are no numbers denoting the chords that one might expect for guitar music.64 The guitarist, who has a suitably prominent thumbnail, appears to be in the course of striking, rather than plucking, the guitar strings ready to sound a chord, but in what note is unclear.65 Although it has been said that the position of his proper right hand is such as to produce a softer, more persuasive sound appropriate for playing con amore,66 the music may represent only the singing part, with the guitarist studying it to decide what chord to play. On the other hand, if the music is supposed to represent a singing score, it is odd that it includes no words. Consequently, it is possible that the woman is holding a guitar score which the guitarist is leaning over to decipher, and that he is not about to strum a chord but merely resting his hand on the instrument. This would explain its distance from the sound‐hole.67
At the top centre of the painting is a herm. In that it appears to be surmounted by a bust with portrait‐like qualities, it is unusual in known compositions by Watteau. Its full beard and hairstyle make it unlikely that the portrait, if that is what it is, is of a contemporary of Watteau, and in any event, when he did incorporate contemporaries into his compositions, it was in the form of human beings, not statues. If the herm is meant to represent anyone, it is most likely to be of an ancient, or, less plausibly, a sixteenth‐century, personality, perhaps a philosopher or poet. Pythagoras has been suggested on the basis that he was said to have discovered a musical scale based on a mathematical ratio, but no supposed representation of him is sufficiently like. No other ancient can convincingly be said to have been represented by Watteau in NG 2897, although the Greek poet Anacreon might have the best claim.68 The term is of a type of which examples by Antoine Girardin (born 1647?) and by Jean Raon (1630–1707) still exist.69
Date
Watteau’s paintings are generally difficult to date accurately because there are so few of certain date against which they can be compared. The date of 1717–18 has been proposed for NG 2897 on stylistic grounds.70 A consideration of its date needs to take account of the drawings related to it. Admittedly, their use in assessing the date of the painting is limited for two reasons: the dating of Watteau’s drawings is uncertain, and most drawings by him were not made for a specific painting, so that, even if a drawing could be securely dated, it could not be stated with confidence that a related painting closely followed. Subject to those important qualifications, some suggestions can be made. Watteau’s drawing after Campagnola(?) (fig. 11) has been dated to 1715–16,71 and if it is right that the compositional concept of the guitarist and his companion was influenced by it, then this drawing provides a terminus post quem. All the drawings by Watteau directly connected to NG 2897 (see Drawings A (1–9), above) have been dated by Rosenberg and Prat to within the years 1715–17 except for RP 591, dated by them 1717–18, but here about 1717. Although as a general proposition it cannot be confidently asserted that a painting by Watteau was close in date to a related drawing, it is here proposed that if it can be shown that a drawing was used for only a single known composition, it is more likely that the painting is closely contemporary with the drawing.72 The more drawings that [page 558] fulfil the condition of single use the greater the likelihood that the connected painting is contemporary with them. There are four sheets connected with NG 2897 which, based on Watteau’s known compositions, contain figures that for the reasons given above in relation to drawings here accepted as autograph, are connected only with the National Gallery painting. The first is RP 470 (fig. 4, see Drawings A (3)), there dated about 1717–18. The second is RP 498 (fig. 6, Drawings A (5)), previously unconnected to any known composition and there dated 1716–17. The third is RP 500 (fig. 7, Drawings A (6)) also there dated about 1716–17. The fourth sheet is RP 503 (fig. 8, see Drawings A (7)) there dated 1716 or 1717. Based on the dating of these four drawings in RP, itself admittedly a matter of conjecture based on stylistic comparisons, a date of 1717 or the following year for NG 2897 seems likely.

Detail from fig. 1. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie. BERLIN Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie © Jörg P. Anders 2017 / Photo Scala, Florence / bpk, Bildagentur für Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte, Berlin
The question then arises whether such a date for NG 2897 is consistent with the likely date for the (located) painting with which it shares the figures of the guitarist and female companion, namely La Récréation galante in Berlin (fig. 1, Paintings A (1)). That painting had generally been dated 1717–18. Rosenberg has opined (without reasons) that it is later than La Gamme d’Amour, and such an opinion would sit well enough with a hypothetical date of 1717 for the London painting.73 However, Christoph Vogtherr has recently proposed dating the Berlin picture to between 1717 and 1719, and has convincingly argued that it is likely to be later than the lost Verrue composition.74 He further considers, principally on the basis of the large number of pentimenti in the Berlin picture, that it preceded the London painting.75 Vogtherr has noted that the left half of the Berlin picture, that is, the half which includes the guitarist and his female companion, was according to X‐radiographs originally a different composition with smaller figures, and that at a late stage in working out the composition of the picture as a whole, he overpainted the left half to include a guitarist like that in the Verrue composition and his female companion (as well as other alterations in this area).76 He has also noted that the pose of the guitarist’s companion (hereafter called ‘the singer’ although she is not necessarily holding a songbook) makes more sense in the Berlin picture on account of the step, which is part of a wide platform.77 This gives the singer’s proper left knee a place to rest, whereas in NG 2897 the lack of a step renders the singer’s balance awkward, if not precarious. All of this, it is argued, points to the chronological precedence of the Berlin painting. In addition, the scale of the group of the guitarist and singer in NG 2897 is virtually identical to that of the same group in the Berlin picture, suggesting that some mechanical means, possibly an oil counterproof, was used by Watteau to transfer the design from one canvas to the other.78 A visible pentimento in the Berlin picture (fig. 17) appears to confirm that the transfer was from the Berlin picture to NG 2897. This shows that the guitarist’s jacket cuff originally extended the length of his forearm (as in RP 479, fig. 5), but that this was changed so that it extended only halfway along his forearm (as in RP 591, fig. 10). There is no such pentimento in NG 2897 in which the cuff always extended no more than halfway along the forearm. This suggests that if the design was transferred by way of counterproof, the counterproof was taken after the change to the cuff in the Berlin picture.79
Is the supposition that the Berlin painting was the earlier of the two consistent with those paintings’ respective relationships with the related drawings that they have in common? Certain details in some drawings are closer to the London painting than to that in Berlin, suggesting that the London painting was the earlier. For example, in RP 522 (fig. 9) the singer’s headdress has no gap between its horizontal and vertical components, and in this respect the London picture is the closer; likewise, her earring in the drawing appears in the London picture but not in the Berlin picture; and her cleavage which is apparent in the London picture and in the drawing is not visible in the Berlin picture.80 However, if these points suggest that the London painting came first, other drawings and details of the paintings suggest that the contrary is true. Thus the guitarist’s costume has no ruff either in RP 479 (fig. 5) or in NG 2897, whereas one exists in RP 591 (fig. 10) and in the Berlin picture. In addition, the waviness of the singer’s hair in RP 522 is close to the Berlin picture, whereas in NG 2897, it is more tightly pulled back making it straighter; the highlights on the guitarist’s beret in the Berlin picture are close to the white chalk highlights in RP 479, and the construction of the beret itself in NG 2897, with its radiating folds attached to a central, circular retaining button, is unlike that in the drawing, in which the loose, rather floppy construction of the beret is repeated in [page 559] the Berlin picture; finally in both RP 479 and in the Berlin picture the guitarist’s right thumb is playing, or on the point of playing, the instrument. In NG 2897 its position, which is slightly higher in relation to the guitar, is ambiguous – it could be merely resting on the instrument rather than about to play.

Infrared reflectogram detail of NG 2897 showing the change to the angle of singer’s ear. © The National Gallery, London

Detail from fig. 1. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie. BERLIN Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie © Jörg P. Anders 2017 / Photo Scala, Florence / bpk, Bildagentur für Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte, Berlin
Thus, neither the paintings themselves, nor their relationship to the related drawings, tells us conclusively which of the London and Berlin pictures was first, and if one might be tempted, based on the evidence above, to lean towards the chronological precedence of the Berlin picture, the infrared reflectogram of NG 2897 (see Technical Notes, above) suggests the opposite. Since the figures of guitarist and singer in both paintings are in the same direction, if an underdrawing was indeed used to transfer the design of one painting to another, a support would first have had to be applied to the wet paint of the first painting, so producing a reverse image. Then the still‐wet counterproof would itself have had to be applied to the canvas of the second painting in order to right the reversed image. The infrared reflectogram of NG 2897 shows that the underdrawing for all the figures was made with paint and brush, a procedure which would have been unnecessary had the main lines of the figures already been applied by way of a counterproof, and indeed nothing in the reflectogram suggests that a counterproof, or any other form of mechanical transfer, was used to make the underdrawing.81 On the contrary, the underdrawing of the figures in NG 2897 is consistent with its having been used to create a counterproof. Furthermore, it is clear from the reflectogram that the position of the guitarist’s legs, principally his proper right one, was worked out on the canvas (the right leg of the guitarist at the right of RP 479 (fig. 5) having been conceivably the starting point, given the similarity of the angle of the underdrawn line with that leg). The reflectogram also shows that a virtually identical change was made to the angle of the singer’s ear in NG 2897 (fig. 18) as was made in the Berlin painting (fig. 19), bringing both into closer correspondence with the ear of the woman at the top left of RP 522 (fig. 9). Hence, even if the Berlin picture as a whole was started before that in London, it cannot with any confidence be asserted that the figures of guitarist and singer in the Berlin picture were completed before their London counterparts. If anything the technical evidence of NG 2897 suggests the reverse, and it is most likely that Watteau was working on both paintings at more or less the same time, at least so far as the figures of the guitarist and singer are concerned, turning from one canvas to the other and back again and making small adjustments as he did so.82 If, therefore, a date of 1717–19 is right for the Berlin picture, so it is for NG 2897. That date bracket can, however, be narrowed to 1717–18. That is because 1718 is the date of Nicolas Vleughels’s Apollo, Melpomene, Calliope and Clio, a composition now known through Edmé Jeaurat’s print (possibly in reverse) made a year later (fig. 20).83 Watteau and Vleughels shared lodgings in 1718–19, and it is surely no coincidence that the seated figure of Calliope holding a book in the latter’s painting is, save for the direction of her gaze, so close to the figure of the singer [page 560] in the paintings in London and Berlin. The date of 1718 is therefore proposed as the terminus ante quem for the Berlin and London pictures.

Edmé Jeaurat after Nicolas Vleughels, Apollo, Melpomene, Calliope and Clio, 1719. Engraving, 23.2 × 16.9 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum. AMSTERDAM Rijksmuseum © Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Critical Appreciation
The Goncourts alluded to NG 2897, or at least to Le Bas’s print after it, in an evocatively erotic passage in ‘La philosophie de Watteau’, published in the 7 September 1856 issue of L’Artiste (and reprinted in 1860 with a few adjustments and with Caylus’s biography of Watteau added in the second instalment of L’Art du XVIIIe siècle): ‘All the fascination of women in repose: the languor, the idleness, the abandonment, the mutual leanings one on the other, the outstretched limbs, the indolence, the harmony of attitudes, the delightful air of a profile bowed over a lute, studying the notes of some gamme d’amour, the breasts’ receding, elusive contours, the meanderings, the undulations, the pliances of a woman’s body: the play of slender fingers upon the handle of a fan …’84 Paul Mantz called NG 2897 a ‘beau tableau’ when he saw it exhibited in 1874,85 and the title of the painting was among the chefs‐d’oeuvre of Watteau inscribed on the monument begun in the 1860s and inaugurated in 1884 in the artist’s native town of Valenciennes.86 Lady Dilke was enthusiastic for the painting itself: Although it has suffered somewhat in parts, this beautiful work … is nevertheless a rare example of the master at his surest and strongest. The wonderful red which flashes like the gleaming of jewels from the hair and breast knots worn by the lady, is supported by the duller crimson of her lover’s cap and cloak and the rich purples and golden browns of her own dress, whilst pale pinks and blues and yellows play fitfully over the broader masses of colour, the hues worn by the secondary figures serving merely to break the uniformity of tint in the background. The painting of the flesh and the drawing of the hands show each touch running freely from the brush, yet defining every form with magical certainty of accent, and present the supreme attraction of Watteau’s most spontaneous art.87 Lady Dilke had possibly first seen NG 2897 in 1895 when it was auctioned at the Lyne Stephens sale. There, according to one report, ‘the auctioneer expressed a hope that the picture would find a place in our National Collection. The bidding started at 1,000 guineas, and the picture was bought for 3,350 guineas by Messrs Agnew’.88 There would have been another opportunity to see it when it was exhibited at the 1898 exhibition of French pictures at the Guildhall, London. In its review of the exhibition The Times described NG 2897 as ‘Marvellously rich in colour, splendidly drawn and painted, this brilliant little picture must rank among the best of the smaller works of this great master, whose pictures are now almost unattainable’,89 and the French art critic and writer Louis de Fourcaud commented: ‘This masterpiece has suffered somewhat over the years; it has lost nothing of the spiritedness of the brushstrokes, of its expressive design, of the warm harmony of its wondrously crystallised colour’.90
When NG 2897 was bequeathed to the National Gallery in 1912, the Burlington Magazine wrote that it desired to draw special attention to the circumstances of this bequest, seeing that the absence of any painting by Watteau had long been felt to be a reproach upon the gallery. For munificence, so carefully considered, and appropriate, the thanks of the nation should be increased proportionately, and we venture to express our hope that the excellent example of Sir Julius Wernher may be followed by other wealthy owners of works of art, who may desire to become benefactors to the National Collections.91 Early in 1914 the National Gallery’s French room, show‐ing French art of all centuries, re‐opened following a rearrangement. One wall was devoted to seventeenth‐ and [page 561]eighteenth‐century pictures. La Gamme d’Amour, to this day the only painting by Watteau in the Gallery, was hung in the middle in the ‘place of honour’.92 From time to time since then, doubts about the autograph status of NG 2897 have been expressed (see under General References), but it is now universally accepted as autograph.93
General References
Goncourt 1875, no. 136 (‘de la plus belle qualité’); Phillips 1895 (as 1718–19);94 Temple 1898, p. 4 (reproduced); Fourcaud 1905, pp. 113–14; Foster 1905, vol. 1, p. 103 (as by Watteau, and in the Wernher collection, and said to be illustrated in the Edition Royale of Foster’s book); Zimmermann 1912, no. 124 (among the works of doubtful attribution, although the author was apparently judging from a poor‐quality reproduction); National Gallery: Descriptive and Historical Catalogue 1913 (as about 1717);95 Dacier and Vuaflart 1921–9, DV 199; Réau 1928, pp. 1–59, no. 127, p. 41; Adhémar 1950, no. 169 (as the end of 1716); Huyghe in Adhémar 1950, p. 46 (as 1718–20); Davies 1957, pp. 222–3 (‘Probably a rather late work’);96 Mathey 1959, p. 69 (as about 1718–19?); Laclotte 1965, p. 84; Nemilova 1964, p. 107 (as 1716–17); introduction by G. Macchia in Montagni 1968, no. 161; Camesasca 1971, no. 161 (where, following the opinion of Montagni 1968, the attribution was doubted);97 Ferré 1972, vol. 3, p. 82, no. A15 (as autograph); Roland Michel 1981, no. 210 (as about 1717?); Ferré 1984, pl. 15; Wilson 1985, p. 78; Grasselli in Moureau and Grasselli 1987, p. 98 (as 1716–17); Rosenberg in Moureau and Grasselli 1987, p. 107 (as before or after La Recréation galante in Berlin?); Temperini 2002, p. 76 and no. 50 (as about 1716–17); Glorieux 2011, p. 195 (as about 1716–17) and fig. 143 on pp. 200–1; Rosenberg and Prat 2011, pp. 99, 142 and 156; Raymond 2013, pp. 16, 115, 121–3 and 134; Eidelberg online, p. 3 (as autograph).
Notes
1 Recently NG 2897 has been written of as the one‐time companion to Watteau’s The Music Lesson (Pour nous prouver que cette belle) (London, Wallace Collection, P377), and as such as having, like the latter picture, passed through the sales of Sir Joshua Reynolds (1795), Edward Coxe (1807), the Earl of Carysfort (1828) and Samuel Rogers (1856): Whiteley in Vogtherr, Preti and Faroult 2014, pp. 43–58. This is incorrect. For one thing the dimensions of the Wallace Collection picture, which is on panel, are less than half of those of NG 2897, and there is no evidence that the latter picture was ever in any of the same collections as The Music Lesson. The original companion to The Music Lesson is Arleqin, Pierrot et Scapin (Waddesdon Manor, inv. 2374). (Back to text.)
2 A print in reverse after NG 2897 was made by Jacques‐Philippe Le Bas and published by François Chereau with the legend ‘tiré du Cabinet de Mr. D. Mariette’. The copper plate was among those engraved after Watteau and mentioned in the posthumous inventory of Chereau dated 12 September 1729: Herold and Vuaflart 1922, no. 199. His nephewPierre‐Jean Mariette included NG 2897 among a list of pictures by Watteau in his manuscript Abécédario as in the collection of Denis Mariette: Chennevières and Montaiglon 1851–60, vol. 6, p. 107. The manuscript, now in the Cabinet des Estampes, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris (Ya2 4, t.IX) is not dated. However, another painting in the list, La Musette, is said (on p. 107) to be in the collection of ‘M. Stiemar, peintre de l’Académie royale’. François Stiémart died in 1740 so Mariette must have drawn up his list by then. This is supported by the fact that Denis Mariette himself died in 1741. It should be mentioned that Pierre‐Jean Mariette was away from Paris between 1712 and 1719, that is, during the years when NG 2897 was probably painted.
The frame of NG 2897 is a Louis XV centre‐corner frame with a swept rail manufactured about 1740: Davey 2012, vol. 14, n.p., National Gallery Library, NC 30 LONDON N.G.2013. Conceivably, the frame was applied soon after Denis Mariette’s death. (Back to text.)
3 AN , MC , ET/XXIII/517, inventory of 16 October 1741, prepared in respect of the paintings on 19 October 1741 by Pierre‐Jean Mariette, fol. 17r.: ‘Item un tableau peint sur toille de dix huit pouces de haut sur vingt trois de large representant un homme accordant une guittare ayant auprès de luy une femme avec un livre de musique, par Wateau dans sa bordure a la Romaine de bois doré numero trente un prisé quatre vingt livres … IIII xx ll’. I am grateful to Sabine Juratic for alerting me to this inventory. The metric equivalents of the measurements noted in the inventory are 48.7 × 62.3 cm. (Back to text.)
4 Ibid. Jeanne‐Justine Mariette married Jean‐Baptiste‐Louis Chomel (died 11 April 1765, parish of St Etienne du Mont: AP , Fichier alphabétique de l’état reconstitué, V3E/D297), Docteur Régent de la Faculté de Médicine de Paris et Médecin Ordinaire du Roi, on 14 December 1737; F. Barbier and S. Juratic, Dictionnaire des hommes du livre. XVIIIe, citing Zéphirin 1984, no. 257, pp. 8–19. Sabine Juratic kindly sent me on 1 September 2011 the draft entry on Denis Mariette for the volume of the Dictionnaire covering the letter M (forthcoming). One Justine‐Jeanne Chomel died on 13 December 1782 in the parish of St Laurent ( AP , Fichier alphabétique de l’état reconstitué, V3E/D1006), but she was not necessarily the same person as the daughter of Denis Mariette. (Back to text.)
5 Presumably the art dealer George Pennell (1796–1864), whose premises were in Piccadilly in about 1831, in St James’s Street around 1839, at 42 St James’s Place in around 1842, and from about 1845 at 18 Berners Street, off Oxford Street, London: see The Times, 16 June 1831, p. 3, and 14 December 1839, p. 6; and see Chapel 2008, p. 57 and notes for more information on Pennell. As Jeannie Chapel has kindly pointed out (26 January 2009) the Supplementary Material to that article records that a Watteau changed hands between Pennell and Gillot for £20 on 13 April 1848, but there is no knowing what it was, and Chloe Ward has confirmed that after combing through the Gillot papers, she has found no reference to any painting that can be identified with NG 2897 (email of 24 April 2015).
The following information about Pennell can be added: he had been released from debtors’ prison in 1821 but was still insolvent in 1839: The Times, 16 June 1831, p. 3 and 14 December 1839, p. 6. His address was given as Berners Street in 1856: The Times, 7 November 1856, p. 1. See also Bradbury and Penny 2002, pp. 613–14 for Pennell’s dealings with Lord Northwick. NG 2897 was not in George Pennell’s posthumous sale, Christie’s, London, 19 May 1866. (Back to text.)
6 Goncourt 1875, p. 126: ‘Le tableau de la GAME [sic] D’AMOUR, tableau de la plus belle qualité, faisant partie de la collection Philips, a été rapporté ces années dernières d’Angleterre. Il est aujourd’hui en possession de Mme. Lyne Stephens’. It has not been possible to identify [page 562]who ‘Philips’ was in or before 1874, the date by when NG 2897 was certainly in the Lyne Stephens collection. It may be that the painting was bought at Phillips auction house rather than by someone called Philips. Indeed a painting catalogued as ‘S. Watteaux A Garden Scene, with Lady and Gentleman singing and playing the Guitar’ was sold at Phillips, London, 29 June 1822 (lot 124, £14 3s., buyer unknown), possibly from the collection of Monsieur Varoc, a ‘Burgomaster, Residing at Rotterdam’ (see GPI , sale catalogue Br‐12207). Otherwise, there are various possibilities. Sir Claude Phillips, first Keeper of the Wallace Collection and author of a monograph on Watteau, would for those reasons be the ideal candidate, but an improbable one because he is not known to have been collecting before 1874. Other candidates include the portrait painter Thomas Phillips and his son Henry Wyndham Phillips, also a portrait painter. There is nothing remotely like NG 2897 in the sale of (presumably) the former on 9 May 1846, nor in the sales of the latter on 8–10 April 1869 and 26 November 1870. The following other auctions of, or including, paintings, belonging to various people called Philips or Phillips and occurring before 1874 have been checked, all with negative results. They include Lugt 14081 (Phillips), 17443 (Henry Phillips), 17936 (Edward Phillips), 18447 (Phillips), 24987 (Phillips), 26255 (G.E. Phillips), 29125 (John Shaw Phillips), 29854 (John Phillip R.A.), 30452 (George H. Phillips) and 31043 (Philipps). I am grateful to Antonio Mazzotta for checking all of these catalogues, save Lugt 30452, which was kindly checked by Frederik Leen in Brussels. (Back to text.)
7 I am grateful to Venetia Harlow of Agnew’s for information on the price paid by Wernher. (Back to text.)
8 For the life of Julius Wernher (created a baronet in 1905), see I.D. Colvin, ‘Wernher, Sir Julius, first baronet (1850–1912)’, revised by Maryna Fraser,
ONDB
ODNB
, accessed 15 July 2008, where, however, NG 2897 is wrongly titled Le gage d’amour. In 1899 he became a member of the Royal Society of Arts (see his obituary in Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, 24 May 1912, pp. 689–90). For his collection, see Furniture, Silver, Paintings and Works of Art from the Collection of the late Sir
Harold Wernher, Bt., G.C.V.O., Luton Hoo, Sotheby’s, London, 24–25 May 1995, and Bryant 2002, pp. 3–9.
Other paintings now in the National Gallery that once belonged to Wernher were Albrecht Altdorfer, Christ taking Leave of his Mother (NG 6463), and Bartolomé Bermejo, Saint Michael Triumphant over the Devil with the Donor Antonio Juan (NG 6553). (Back to text.)
9 NG 2897 was received in the National Gallery on 20 January 1913: NG Archive, 1/8: Board Minutes. (Back to text.)
10 Vogtherr 2011a, pp. 718–29 (catalogue entry by Christoph Vogtherr), for which see works related to that painting, and see also Related Works, Paintings (2), above. (Back to text.)
11 I am grateful to Claudia Laurenze‐Landsberg for sending me the tracing of the Berlin painting. (Back to text.)
12 Dacier and Vuaflart 1921–9, no. 139. (Back to text.)
13 On this see Vogtherr 2011a, pp. 724–5. (Back to text.)
14 See Martin Eidelberg’s website, watteau‐abecedario.org, for this copy and for numerous others. (Back to text.)
15 Fionnuala Croke has kindly advised me that it was bought in 1956 from a Colonel Mansfield who supplied an (unsubstantiated) provenance tracing the work back through his family to one Pierre Rozet de La Garde, said to be a friend of Watteau. (Back to text.)
16 On the authorship of the Chicago painting, see Wise and Warner 1996, pp. 159–69 (entry by Larry J. Feinberg); Feinberg and Zuccari 1997, pp. 236–47; and Eidelberg 1997, pp. 268–9, who considers that Pater was the more likely author of the painting. (Back to text.)
17 Described as ‘La game d’amour. Sujet reproduit dans l’oeuvre gravée de Watteau. Bois: 33–45.’ (Back to text.)
18 Evidently the same painting, to judge from the description in the catalogue. (Back to text.)
19 Ingersoll‐Smouse 1928, no. 26; Ingamells 1989, pp. 287–8; Vogtherr 2011a, no. 31. (Back to text.)
22 The drawing has been most recently catalogued in Rosenberg and Prat 2011, no 37. It had been dated about 1717–18 by Grasselli in Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, no. 103. She later revised her assessment of its date to 1715–16 in ‘New Observations on Some Watteau Drawings’, in Moureau and Grasselli 1987, pp. 97–8. (Back to text.)
23 On this drawing see Méjanès 1991 , pp. 49–52. (Back to text.)
24 Grasselli 1993, p. 116. In a subsequent discussion of this drawing the same author does not mention NG 2897, presumably considering that there is no relationship between drawing and painting: Grasselli in Clark 1998, no. 35. (Back to text.)
25 The drawing is dated about 1716 in Rosenberg and Prat 2011, no. 62, where Prat wonders whether in the study of the guitarist at the left of the sheet Watteau ‘is simply depicting a model holding an instrument, or whether he has made a portrait of a genuine musician’. (Back to text.)
26 Not recorded by Parker and Mathey 1957–8. (Back to text.)
27 So recognised by Parker and Mathey 1957–8, and by subsequent authorities. (Back to text.)
28 Wintermute 1999, no. 28. (Back to text.)
29 Jennifer Tonkovich has kindly written that she finds the connection between the study of the arm in the drawing and the singer’s arm in NG 2897 more plausible than the connection to the Dulwich canvas, that a date of 1716–17 seems right, and that, given the confident handling of the chalk, a date closer to 1715 is less certain: email of 14 May, 2009. I noted the connection between the study of the arm and the singer in NG 2897 in Wine 2011, pp. 489–90. (Back to text.)
30 Information kindly supplied by Elizabeth Nogrady. (Back to text.)
31 Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, no. 95. (Back to text.)
32 Moureau and Grasselli 1987, pp. 97–8. (Back to text.)
33 The differences are that in the drawing, but not in the Berlin picture, there is no gap between the vertical and horizontal components of the headdress; the woman wears an earring; her cleavage is visible. (Back to text.)
34 Dated about 1716–17 in Rosenberg and Prat 2011, no. 69. The pose of the model in the study at top left of RP 522 (Rosenberg and Prat 1996) may have had its origin in an earlier drawing, RP 202. (Back to text.)
35 See also Wintermute 1999, no. 29. (Back to text.)
36 Grasselli in Clark 1998, no. 36, and Vogtherr 2011a, p. 723. Marianne Roland Michel in Roland Michel 1984b, p. 136. (Back to text.)
37 Similar heads appear in La Perspective (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts), Les Charmes de la vie, (London, Wallace Collection), L’amour désarmé (Chantilly, Musée Condé) and The Pilgrimage to Cythera (Paris, Louvre). (Back to text.)
38 See RP 421. (Back to text.)
39 Goncourt 1875, under nos 576 and 577; PM 579. (Back to text.)
40 See Burollet, 2008, no. 105. (Back to text.)
41 The word gamme was sometimes spelt with a single ‘m’: Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 1st edn, 1694, p. 510. (Back to text.)
42 Like many prints after Watteau and his followers, this one became a source for derivative compositions of NG 2897 in reverse, in paintings and the decorative arts. An example is a nineteenth‐century French small silver box with a polychrome lacquer hinged lid, Kunstauktionshaus Schloss Ahlden, Ahlden, Germany, 15 May 2011, lot 1122. (Back to text.)
43 Sahut and Raymond 2010, no. 98, fig. 102. (Back to text.)
44 Jean‐Richard 1978, p. 42, no. 68 (printed on the same sheet as no. 67, Bust of a Woman looking down to the right), naming the use of the drawing in NG 2897 among other compositions; for an example of a proof of the first state, Sahut and Raymond 2010, no. 50, fig. 31. (Back to text.)
45 Vilain 1973, gravures no. 5, pp. 120–1 and pl. IX. (Back to text.)
46 Double grounds with a lower layer of red and upper layers variously of grey, pink, greyish beige or pink or brown have been detected in other works by Watteau: Martin and Sindaco‐Domas 2009–10, pp. 27–8. (Back to text.)
47 Watteau seems to have used Prussian blue from as early as around 1712, painting the sky and figures of La Mariée de village with lapis lazuli with an underlayer containing Prussian blue: Bartoll 2007, p. 44. Prussian blue has been detected as the only blue pigment used by Watteau in other later works besides NG 2897, including Diane au bain and Portrait d’un gentilhomme (both Paris, Louvre): Eveno 2009–10, pp. 41, 46. For Watteau’s use of other blue pigments in various paintings, see ibid. , pp. 39–41 and 46, 48; for his use of green earth and Naples yellow, see ibid. , pp. 41, 47, 49. Red lake has been detected in the clothing of Mezzetin in the Pierrot, formerly called Gilles (Paris, Louvre), but according to Eveno 2009–10, p. 41, ‘le rôle de cette couleur seyante reste difficile à préciser par les techniques actuelles d’investigation.’ (Back to text.)
48 The report notes that there is no apparent underdrawing for the background, but it may be hidden by the paint because the green and brown pigments used for the trees absorb infrared and so do not show in the reflectogram: Rachel Billinge, ‘Infrared Reflectography Examination, Summary Report’, 17 August 2009, National Gallery report. Infrared reflectography was carried out using the digital infrared scanning camera OSIRIS which contains an indium gallium arsenide (InGaAs) sensor. For further details about the camera see www.optusinstruments.com/index.php. I am grateful to Rachel Billinge for undertaking the reflectography and for her explanations of it. (Back to text.)
49 See for example the print called The Singer and the Lute Player by Israhel van Meckenhem reproduced in Bartsch 1978–90 edn, [page 563]vol. 9, p. 165, ‘Israhel van Meckenhem’, ed. F. Koreny. The theme of a male string instrumentalist and female singer is also to be found in the work of Caspar Netscher and Frans van Mieris among others. (Back to text.)
50 Michel 2008, pp. 193–4. (Back to text.)
51 For the drawing see RP 431, and Alan Wintermute 1999, no. 15. (Back to text.)
52 Weretka 2008, n.p.: www.emajartjournal.com. (Back to text.)
53 Gétreau 2005, p. 7. This tends to underline the distance from court concerns of both the artist and his patrons. (Back to text.)
54 Gétreau in Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, pp. 527–8. (Back to text.)
55 Dictionnaire Universel 1727, vol. 2 (‘Gamme’). Less likely in the case of NG 2897 would have been a resonance with the contemporary figure of speech, ‘Je luy ay bien chanté sa gamme’, defined in the first (1694) edition of the Dictionnaire de l’Académie françoise as ‘Je luy ay fait une forte reprimende, je luy ay bien dit ses veritez’ (vol. 1, p. 510). This last meaning was still current at the time of publication of Furetière’s 1727 dictionary, cited above. (Back to text.)
56 See Glorieux 2006b, pp. 119–29. (Back to text.)
57 On this, referring to Watteau’s paintings generally see Eidelberg 1995, p. 132. (Back to text.)
58 Ribeiro 2002, p. 33. (Back to text.)
59 De Mirimonde 1961, p. 267. (Back to text.)
60 Some support for such a reading of NG 2897 may be gleaned from the verses appended to L. Surugue’s engraving after Watteau’s Pour nous prouver que cette belle, which include the lines: ‘Ces enfants qui sont autour d’elle / Sont les fruits de son tendre amour …’ On a painting catalogued as Watteau of this subject and in the Wallace Collection, see Ingamells 1989, pp. 373–6. (Back to text.)
61 Gétreau in Moureau and Grasselli 1987, pp. 240–1. (Back to text.)
62 Ibid. (Back to text.)
63 Gétreau 1988, pp. 67–9 and no. XXVII, and Dassas, Dugot and Espié 2001, pp. 130–3. (Back to text.)
64 Email of 16 June 2008 from Lois Oliver, who has kindly written in addition: ‘There are treble clefs at the beginning of each stave, and the piece appears mostly in 4/4 time. However, some of the bars do not contain enough notes for this time signature, and at the bottom of the left‐hand page some of the stems of the notes go the opposite way from that which I would expect. Although the first line correctly shows five lines to the stave, this is not the case throughout (the second stave on the left‐hand page only seems to have four lines). I think it is meant to look as though they are in the middle of a piece, as there is no title at the top of the page, and also no time signature marked.’ It has been suggested that NG 2897 represents the performance of a cantata, the most popular form of love song during the first decades of the eighteenth century: Mercurio 2000, pp. 7 and 24–7. As the title of Le Bas’s print suggests, it may well have been so understood by contemporaries, notwithstanding Watteau’s probably inaccurate rendering of a cantata in the musical score. (Back to text.)
65 As suggested by Gérard Rebours in an email to Florence Gétreau (10 May 2009). (Back to text.)
66 Mirimonde 1961, p. 252. Mirimonde elsewhere wrote: ‘L’impulsion donné près de touches produit un son pur et doux: les personages de Watteau y ont souvent recours pour accompagner ou suppléer de tendres confidences’: Mirimonde 1962a, p. 49. (Back to text.)
67 This explanation has been kindly offered by Ariane Quirin (email of 2 June 2009). (Back to text.)
68 The suggestion made in conversation by Elizabeth McGrath was that the bust might be that of Pythagoras, said to have created the seven‐tone musical scale. That there was some contemporary interest in Pythagoras is established by the fact that André Dacier wrote La vie de Pythagore, ses symboles, ses vers dorez et la vie d’Hiéroclès (Paris 1706) which was translated into English by N. Rowe and published in London in 1707. According to this, ‘Pythagoras … rejected all Judgement that was made of Musick by the Ear: because, says Plutarch, in the Treatise of Musick, he found the Sense of Hearing to be already so weaken’d and decay’d, that it was no longer able to judge aright: He would have Men therefore judge of it by the Understanding, and by the analogical and proportionate Harmony. This in my Opinion was to shew that the Beauty of Musick is independent of the Tune that strikes the Ear, and consists only in the Reason, in the Conformity, and in the Proportions of which the Understanding is the only Judge’. Such a view, were it transposed to the art of painting, would have little in common with Watteau’s art. Pythagoras’s critic, Aristoxenus of Tarentum (5th century BC), held that the notes of a scale should be judged not by mathematical ratio but by the ear, a theory which had its parallel in Roger de Piles’s emphasis on the need for a painting to attract visually before it could appeal to the intellect. However, there exists no supposed engraved or sculpted portrait of Aristoxenus which might have provided a starting point for his representation by Watteau, as Carl Huffman and Andrew Barker have both been kind enough independently to confirm, nor was anything published about him during Watteau’s lifetime.
Alastair Laing has suggested that the bust in NG 2897 might represent Jupiter on account of his aptness to the idea of love. Whether Jupiter would have been content with the role of voyeur, however, is doubtful. No more can the bust be convincingly identified with the ‘laughing philosopher’, Democritus. A Rubens School drawing of a bust of Euripides inspired by Theodoor Galle (Musée du Louvre, département des Arts graphiques, inv. 20358.C, recto) bears a closer resemblance to the bust in NG 2897, but it seems unlikely that Watteau would incorporate a portrait of a tragedian in NG 2897. Euripides was regularly satirised by his younger Athenian contemporary, Aristophanes. As a playwright of comedies the latter seems a more likely candidate, and his bust in the Musei Capitolini has some resemblance to that in Watteau’s herm. However, there is no evidence that Watteau knew of the bust through any print or drawing of it. Although an edition of Aristophanes’s comedies had been published in Paris in 1692 by Claude Barbin and Denys Thierry, who was the godfather of Denis Mariette, first known owner of NG 2897, it is hard to discern why Watteau or a patron might have wanted to incorporate a bust of Aristophanes into the painting. None of the supposed likenesses of Pythagoras, Democritus, Euripides, Theocritus or Aristophanes included in G.P. Bellori’s Veterum Illustrium Philosophorum Poetarum Rhetorum et Oratorum Imagines Ex vetustis Nummis, Gemmis, Hermis, Marmoribus, alisque Antiquis Monumentis desumptae (Rome 1685) are sufficiently like the bust in NG 2897 to permit an identification. The most like is that of the ancient Greek poet Hesiod, but the didactic nature of his poetry makes him an unlikely candidate. There is no connection between the herm and any commedia dell’arte character.
A claim that might be made for identifying the bust is as a ‘portrait’ of the ancient Greek poet, Anacreon, who wrote light‐hearted poems, many on the themes of drinking or of love. A translation of his odes into French by Mlle Le Fèvre (later Mme Dacier) was published in Paris in 1681 by Denys Thierry who, as noted above, was godfather to Denis Mariette. An edition of Mme Dacier’s translation was published in Amsterdam in 1716 ‘augmentée des notes latines de Mr. Le Fevre et de la traduction en vers françois de Mr. de la Fosse’. La Fosse was Antoine de La Fosse, the nephew of Charles de La Fosse, whom Watteau most probably knew by 1712. (For Antoine de La Fosse’s dates and his relationship to Charles de La Fosse, see Gustin‐Gomez 2006, vol. 1, pp. 28, 234.) However, I am not aware of any representation of Anacreon that looks sufficiently like the bust in NG 2897, and, although Anacreon was associated with music, none of his poems has a particularly close connection with the scene in the painting.
Finally, it has been suggested that the bust is that of Terminus, the Roman god of boundaries (the boundary in this case being the young woman’s virtue), on the basis of the bust’s reproving expression: De Mirimonde 1962b, p. 16. This seems unlikely: the couple in the background appears already to have crossed the ‘boundary’; it is difficult to read a reproving expression into the bust; and if such there is, it is not directed at the music‐making couple. (Back to text.)
69 See Souchal 1977–87, vol. 1, nos 4–7, p. 13 (illustrated), and vol. 3, no. 46, p. 224 (illustrated). I am grateful to Alastair Laing for drawing my attention to these examples. (Back to text.)
70 See Roland Michel 1984b, p. 223. (She had earlier dated the picture 1715–16: Roland Michel 1978, p. 95.) Such a date is suggested implicitly by Rosenberg’s dating of the Berlin Récreation galante in Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, no. 63. Grasselli, however, has proposed 1716–17 as the date for NG 2897: Grasselli 1987, vol. 1, p. 298. Guillaume Glorieux also dates NG 2897 to about 1716–17: Glorieux 2011, p. 195. For the other various dates proposed for NG 2897 over the years, see General References. (Back to text.)
71 RP 431. (Back to text.)
72 Marianne Roland Michel argued that in such a circumstance the painting was likely to be contemporary or later than the drawing: Roland Michel 1984b, p. 222. (Back to text.)
73 See Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, no. 63 (entry by Pierre Rosenberg). (Back to text.)
74 Vogtherr 2011a, pp. 724–6. (Back to text.)
75 In conversation. (Back to text.)
76 Vogtherr 2011a, p. 724. (Back to text.)
77 In conversation. (Back to text.)
78 See note 11. While noting an extremely close correlation in the main group between Watteau’s Fête galante with musicians and a bust of Dionysos (Potsdam) and Les Charmes de la Vie (London, Wallace Collection), such that ‘mechanical means were applied for the transfer’, Christoph Vogtherr has proposed that roughly two years separate the Potsdam picture from that in the Wallace Collection: Vogtherr [page [564]][page 565] 2009–10, pp. 181–3. On Watteau’s use of oil counterproofs see Eidelberg 1977, pp. 173–204. (Back to text.)

Detail from NG 2897. © The National Gallery, London
79 On this last point, it might be objected that RP 591 is said to be a year or two later than RP 479. However, the drawings fulfil different functions. RP 479 is a study (mainly) of the guitarist’s pose and RP 591 is a study (mainly) of his costume. They may therefore have been made at about the same time. (Back to text.)
80 There is the detail of the singer’s proper left hand, which appears in both paintings but not in RP 502 or in any other known drawing. In the Berlin picture it is clumsy, looking like a flipper or at best a masculine hand and forearm. In NG 2897 the hand has been feminised both by reducing its size to one more in keeping with the singer’s right hand and by the addition of a cuff. I originally thought that it was inconceivable that, having found this solution for NG 2897, Watteau would have abandoned it in the Berlin picture, thus making it virtually certain that the Berlin picture was the earlier, ‘uncorrected’, version. However, Christoph Vogtherr tells me that the wear in this part of the Berlin picture is so bad that such a conclusion is unreliable. (Back to text.)
81 As Rachel Billinge has kindly confirmed, 25 August 2011. (Back to text.)
82 Grasselli 1987, pp. 294–5, arrived at a similar conclusion, albeit for a different reason (one recently denied by Vogtherr 2011a, p. 725), writing: ‘Given the unfinished state of the [Berlin Récréation galante], it is logical to suppose that no matter when Watteau may have started working on it, it remained in his studio until the very end of his life, for he surely would not have sold an incomplete work. He could therefore have worked on it in fits and starts over a period of four or five years, perhaps adding or altering figures as the spirit moved him’. Gersaint’s biography of Watteau, in spite of some chronological inaccuracies, makes clear both that Watteau became more concerned about money towards the end of his life and that he lost a significant amount following the collapse of the Banque Royale (Rosenberg 1984, pp. 36, 38). The idea that Watteau would not have sold an unfinished picture is therefore questionable. Recently Vogtherr has reached a similar conclusion to the above, writing that Watteau was possibly working on the London and Berlin pictures ‘de façon intermittente mais en parallèle’ (Vogtherr and Holmes 2014, p. 55). (Back to text.)
83 See Hercenberg 1975, no. 66. The fact that Vleughels’s figure has a visible left hand and that she holds a book suggests that it was more likely inspired by NG 2897 than by RP 522. (Back to text.)
84 Goncourt 2007 edn, vol. 1, pp. 33 and 329. ‘Toutes les séductions de la femme au repos: la langeur, la paresse, l’abandon, les adossements, les allongements, les nonchalances, la cadence des poses, le joli air des profils penchés sur les gammes d’amour, les retraites fuyantes des poitrines, les serpentements et les ondulations, les souplesses du corps féminin, et le jeu des doigts effilés sur la manche des éventails.’ English translation by Robin Ironside in Goncourt 1981 edn, pp. 1–2. (Back to text.)
85 Mantz 1892, p. 179. (Back to text.)
86 Dirk Kocks in Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, p. 322, note 3. (Back to text.)
87 Dilke 1899b, p. 84. She had written in a similar vein in Dilke 1898, pp. 328–9, where she called the painting ‘a pearl’. (Back to text.)
88 The Times, 8 June 1912, p. 6. (Back to text.)
89 The Times, 6 June 1898, p. 15. (Back to text.)
90 ‘Ce chef‐d’oeuvre n’a pas été sans souffrir du mal des années; il n’a rien perdu de l’esprit de ses touches, de l’expression de son dessin, de la chaude harmonie de sa couleur merveilleusement cristallisé.’ Fourcaud 1905; Ferré 1972, vol. 3, p. 824. (Back to text.)
91 Burlington Magazine, vol. 21, no. 112 (July 1912), p. 243. (Back to text.)
92 The Times, 30 January 1914, p. 5. (Back to text.)
93 For example by Glorieux 2011, Grasselli in
Moreau
Moureau
and Grasselli 1987, Roland Michel 1981, Rosenberg in Moreau and Grasselli 1987, Vogtherr 2011a and Wintermute 1999, pp. 146, 148. (Back to text.)
94 Phillips 1895, p. 67 where Phillips assigns La Gamme d’Amour, then in the Lyne Stephens collection, to the period immediately after the Berlin Embarquement. (Back to text.)
95 National Gallery: Descriptive and Historical Catalogue 1913, pp. 749–50. The author of the 1913 catalogue thought it ‘just possible the NG 2897 was the picture sold as by Watteau at the Rogers Sale, 2 May, 1856, no. 596, where described as “A lady in a red dress seated on a bank, a cavalier playing on a lute at her side”’. It seems highly unlikely, however, that the cataloguer of the 1856 sale would have mistaken such a well‐known instrument as the guitar for a lute. (Back to text.)
96 Davies 1957, pp. 222–3, where he commented that the ‘ca. 1717’ of the 1929 National Gallery Catalogue ‘seems to be due to Sir Claude Phillips, who vaguely said it was coeval with L’Embarquement pour Cythère’. Davies cited not Phillips 1895, nor the National Gallery Descriptive and Historical Catalogue 1913, which the 1929 catalogue presumably followed, but Phillips’s comment in the Daily Telegraph, 7 June 1912, p. 11. (Back to text.)
97 Montagni 1968 and Camesasca 1971 seem to be alone in their doubts. The latter, adopting in translation the words of the former, writes: ‘Because of its poor condition we cannot share the certainty of attribution to Watteau: on the contrary, certain details such as the skirt of the girl in the foreground or the cloak the guitarist is sitting on lead us to think the opposite’. No scholar currently working on Watteau hesitates regarding the autograph status of NG 2867. (Back to text.)
Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings in the National Gallery
Appendix to 'The National Gallery Catalogues: The Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings'
Yolande Lyne Stephens, née Duvernay (1812–1894)
- Antoine Watteau, La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love) (NG 2897)
Yolande Marie Louise Duvernay was born at Versailles in December 1812. Her father was an actor, as had been her mother as a young woman. The family moved to Paris when Yolande was six, and she then studied dance for the next twelve years. Her first leading role, under the name Pauline Duvernay, was in Meyerbeer’s opera Robert le Diable performed at the Opéra de Paris in 1831.1 She was greatly admired both as a dancer and as a woman, one contemporary later describing her as ‘one of the most ravishing women you could wish to see; she was twenty years old, had charming eyes, an admirably turned leg, and a figure of perfect elegance’.2 In 1833 she performed at the Theatre Royal, London, where the young William Makepeace Thackeray described her as a ‘vision of loveliness’.3 She returned to London the following year and formed a relationship with Edward Ellice, the son of a Cabinet minister. However, she soon returned to Paris and to her previous lover, Louis Véron, director of the Opéra, who described her as a melancholic who frequently burst into tears.4 Abandoned by him, and then in 1835 by her subsequent lover, the marquis de La Valette, by whom she seems to have had a child, she made two suicide attempts at the end of that year.5 In 1836–7 she performed in London where she was paid £600 a month (the equivalent of some £50,000 today).6 In her celebrated role as Florinda in the ballet, Le Diable boiteux, she was the subject of a number of portrait prints.7
It was during her third and last London season in 1837 that Yolande met Stephens Lyne Stephens (1801–1860), whose father had inherited a substantial fortune from a cousin.8 Lyne Stephens was briefly an officer in the 10th Hussars, but saw no active service, and was even more briefly MP for Barnstaple.9 His preference, however, was for a life of leisure on the back of his father’s fortune.10 With the help of his friend, the comte d’Orsay, Lyne Stephens negotiated for Yolande’s favours: her mother received a one‐off payment of £8,000, and she herself an allowance of £2,000 per annum for two years, convertible into a lifetime annuity from January 1840, on condition that she remained faithful during the two‐year period. After a period of living together at Lyne Stephens’s father’s house in Portman Square, London, he and Yolande married on 14 July 1845, and honeymooned in France and Italy. Four years later they moved into Grove House, Roehampton (now part of the University of Roehampton), in Surrey. Lyne Stephens’s father died in 1851 leaving him an annual income of £3 million in today’s values, making him allegedly the richest commoner in England.11 In the years that followed he remodelled Grove House and had by early 1856 bought the hôtel Molé (formerly the hôtel de La Vaupalière) at 85 rue du Faubourg Saint‐Honoré, Paris.12 He also started to have built a country mansion at Lynford Hall (sometimes called Lynsford Hall), Mundford, near Thetford in Norfolk, on an estate of nearly 8,000 acres.13
Stephens Lyne Stephens died in February 1860, with Lynford Hall incomplete. It would not be occupied until 1862. He bequeathed Grove House and his art collection to Yolande absolutely, and Lynford Hall to her for her life. She also inherited the Paris property for life.14 She became more pious, outwardly at least, commissioning from her late husband’s architect, William Burn, an elaborate mausoleum and sarcophagus which were placed in the grounds of Grove House in 1864,15 contributing to religious foundations in Paris and Roehampton, and from 1879 funding the construction of one of the largest Catholic churches in England, the Church of Our Lady and the English Martyrs in Cambridge.16 From the early 1860s her grief was tempered by a liaison with, and devotion to, Edward Claremont, the married British military attaché in Paris, who was a friend of the Marquess of Hertford and of his son, Richard Wallace.17 It was with Claremont’s advice, and possibly that of Wallace, that Yolande expanded her art collection. It was also on Claremont’s advice that in 1875 she sold the hôtel Molé and found an apartment on the Champs‐Elysées.18 A partial account of the apartment is given in a letter of June 1882 from Claremont’s daughter‐in‐law to her mother: ‘The rooms are a dream, all opening out of each other, full of curios: china, pictures, and tapestry. My room is very pretty. The walls are covered with copper‐coloured brocade and the furnishings are pale blue.’19
Edward Claremont died in 1890, and it was to his son, Harry, who had taken over the management of Yolande’s affairs from his father, that she bequeathed Grove House and her residuary estate in England. Harry died in 1894, a few months after Yolande’s death on 2 September 1894, having, as required by the will, changed his surname to ‘Lyne Stephens’.20 Yolande’s lawyer, Horace Pym, inherited her residuary estate in France, including the Champs‐Elysées property.21 The French estate was the subject of a number of bequests, including one to the National Gallery of three paintings.22 By her English will of 8 March 1887, Yolande, then 75 years old, had bequeathed part of her art collection at Roehampton and Lynford to the nation, with her pictures going, as the Lyne Stephens Collection, to the National Gallery, and furniture and porcelain to the South Kensington Museum. On 12 June 1894, however, she revoked the bequests under the English will to both institutions, so that, save for the bequests made to them under her French will, Yolande’s collections fell into residue and were auctioned in 1895 and 1911.23 The apparent reason for the revocation, made a few weeks before her death, was that the Finance Bill of 1894 proposed an increase in the rate of death duties on large estates.24
Attached to the will of 8 March 1887 was an inventory of the same date including a list of the 45 paintings then intended for the National Gallery. That list is set out in the appendix to this entry. The inventory may originally have been in manuscript which might explain why some artists’ names have been wrongly spelt in the typed version which formed part of the will as admitted to probate: for example, Vandes Meulen, Wonvermans, Bettini (author’s italics). Both it and the inventory of furniture and porcelain were expressed to be translated from the French, which at least raises the possibility that the French original was written, or dictated, by Yolande herself. This possibility is made greater by some of the language used to describe individual items which goes beyond what was necessary merely to identify them: for example, ‘Very beautiful portrait’ (a Velázquez), ‘A superb painting full of beautiful inspiration and fine proportion from top to bottom’ (a Murillo) and ‘A charming picture very fine in all respects’ (a Wouwermans).
Of the 45 paintings in the inventory, 20 hung at Lynford Hall and the remainder at Grove House, Roehampton. Since some of the same inventory numbers appear twice – once for a picture at Lynford Hall and once for a picture at Grove House – it is clear that separate numbering was established for each house. This applies also to the inventoried porcelain and furniture. The most likely explanation for the sequence of numbering is not that it reflects the chronological order of a piece’s acquisition,25 but rather the topography of the collection in the house in question. It should also be borne in mind that the function of the 1887 inventories was not primarily to list all the objects in the Lyne Stephens collection,26 but to identify the paintings which Yolande then intended to leave to the National Gallery, and the furniture and porcelain which she then planned to give to the South Kensington Museum. In the case of both properties, there are many numbers missing in the inventories, and these presumably represent items (not necessarily paintings, furniture or porcelain) that Yolande did not plan to give to either institution.
Unfortunately the inventory did not specify the rooms in which individual paintings hung. However, its order suggests certain groupings. At Lynford Hall, for example, it seems likely that a large Boar Hunt by Fyt27 (no. 40 of the 1887 inventory) and a large Hondecoeter painting of birds (no. 41) hung in the same room near to each other. No. 98 of the Lynford Hall section of the inventory was a portrait by Velázquez of Philip IV dressed in red, embroidered in silver, holding a ‘flag’. The painting was no. 320 of the 1895 Lyne Stephens sale, in the catalogue of which its dimensions are given as 54 x 39 in. (and the object held by the king correctly identified as a baton).28 No. 99 at Lynford was another Velázquez, a portrait of an Infanta. The 1895 sale catalogue gives its dimensions as 58 x 39½ in. Since the paintings were of similar sizes and had been in different Paris sales – the duc de Morny sale on 31 May 1865 in the case of the Infanta and the marquis de Salamanca sale on 3–6 June 1867 in the case of the Philip IV – one may suppose that Mrs Lyne Stephens targeted the Philip IV as a suitable pair to the Infanta and hung the paintings accordingly. Insofar as it is possible to judge from a photograph taken in 1895, both the portrait of Philip IV and that of an Infanta hung in the library at Lynford Hall, and the Murillo Triumph of the Eucharist (no. 108 of the inventory), certainly did, so making of the library a showcase for the Spanish School.29 That this was probably the case when the inventory had been made eight years earlier is suggested by the proximity of the respective pictures’ numbering.
It seems likely from the inventory numbering that in 1887 the pictures at Lynford Hall attributed to the French painters Rigaud (no. 278), Philippe de Champaigne (no. 279) and Largillierre (no. 281), hung near to each other, and to a picture (no. 280) attributed to Pourbus, a Fleming who was naturalised French.30 No. 278 can be identified as a version of a Rigaud portrait of Louis XIV, the dimensions of which were given in the 1895 sale catalogue as 61 x 39 in. No. 279 was the full‐length portrait of Cardinal de Richelieu by Philippe de Champaigne now in the National Gallery.31 No. 280, the portrait of Christine de Savoie by Pourbus, is described in the 1895 sale catalogue (lot 341) as ‘whole length’, and in the 1887 inventory as showing the sitter in state robes. The sale catalogue does not give the picture’s dimensions, but it seems reasonable to assume that its size was not dissimilar to that of the portrait of Richelieu. Finally, no. 281 of the 1887 inventory, a Largillierre portrait of an unknown woman wearing white silk and looking at her reflection in the mirror must be lot 362 of the 1895 sale. There its dimensions were stated to be 63 x 50 in. Thus, one may suppose that in 1887 the hang of one wall at Lynford Hall consisted of a group of two large full‐length portraits (one male, one female) flanked by two three‐quarter‐length portraits (one male, one female), and all of them of the French School. If that is correct, then Yolande Lyne Stephens emerges as a collector who carefully hung, and possibly deliberately acquired, her paintings at Lynford to achieve an aesthetic, thematic and art‐historical balance.32 Such a judgement is, however, subject to two qualifications. Firstly, it may have been Edward Claremont who guided both her acquisitions and their hang. Her own letters do not mention her collection.33 Secondly, to judge from a photograph of the principal staircase at Lynford Hall forming part of the estate agent’s details made soon after Yolande’s death, and showing the Largillierre, that picture could not then have hung as one of a group of four in line, nor would the larger paintings in the supposed group easily have fitted into the arched wall spaces of the staircase gallery.34 It may have been the case that, when the inventory was made in 1887, the paintings had indeed been hung to achieve aesthetic, thematic and art‐historical balance, and that Yolande changed this hang sometime after Edward Claremont’s death three years later. In any event it is less easy to match the furniture and porcelain with the pictures except perhaps in the case of those four paintings. The item immediately preceding them numerically (no. 277) is described as ‘Three vases with lids Old Worcester china soft porcelain Blue ground full of effect Medallions birds framed in gold. They are of sexangular [sic] and upright shape.’ It seems possible that in 1887 one of these striking vases was placed on a stand in each of the three spaces between the four pictures. Again, if this was ever so, the placing of the vases had changed by 1895, since apart from anything else the vase shown beneath the Largillierre in the photograph is evidently not ‘sexangular’ and it lacks its lid.
By contrast, the hang at Grove House, Roehampton, was less ordered. For example, a Greuze genre scene (no. 20), further discussed below, hung apparently next to Adam‐François van der Meulen’s Philippe‐François d’Arenberg saluted by the Leader of a Troop of Horsemen (no. 20), a painting now in the National Gallery (NG 1447).35 Wouwerman’s A Horseman arriving at the door of a stable (no. 79) was apparently hung next to a Bellini, Virgin and the Infant Jesus in a Landscape (no. 80), and a painting by Murillo, Saint Joseph and the Standing Infant Christ (no. 106) appears sandwiched between an Ostade genre subject (no. 105) and a Dujardin hunting scene (no. 107).36 More generally, the pictures at Roehampton were more weighted to genre and to landscape and, where they can be identified in the 1895 sale catalogue, they were on average smaller. Whereas the paintings at Lynford Hall were large gallery pictures chosen and hung in a formal fashion as a backdrop to entertaining on a grand scale, those at Grove House were more intimate in nature. Consistent with this is the sentimental character of the Murillo, the only religious picture at Grove House.37
This divide between the grand and the domestic was apparent in the way that pictures of the French School were split between the two properties. The Lynford pictures were large‐scale portraits of the seventeenth century or in the seventeenth‐century tradition, such as Philippe de Champaigne’s formidable looking Cardinal de Richelieu (NG 1449) and Largillierre’s Woman at her Dressing Table of 1695–1700.38 The Grove House paintings, on the other hand, were of the Régence period or later Ancien Régime. There was a Nattier portrait, signed and dated 1757, which, based on the additional description and photograph contained in the 1895 sale catalogue, can be identified as Madame de Maison‐Rouge in the guise of Venus, a painting now in the Resnick Collection, Los Angeles.39
There were three paintings by Greuze at Grove House. One was inventoried (no. 19) as ‘The Drunkard A mother with her two children is reproaching her husband who enters in a state of intoxication canvas gilt frame’, and was lot 354 of the 1895 sale, the catalogue of which, not a model of accuracy, confusingly described it as ‘a replica of the celebrated engraved work in the Louvre’. The provenance given there, ‘La Regniére [sic], Very [sic], d’Ayazon [sic] and Rothschild’ would identify it as the painting now in the Portland Art Museum, Oregon. It may, however, have been only a copy.40 The second Greuze listed in the inventory (no. 74) was described as ‘a young woman praying she is kneeling and leaning against a bed with her eyes raised to Heaven Wood Gilt frame’. It must correspond to lot 355 of the 1895 sale,41 where it was bought in, and lot 98 of the Stephens Lyne Stephens 1911 sale, where sold to Huggins for £1,207 10s. It was presumably a version of the composition in the Musée Fabre, Montpellier.42 The third Greuze, no. 190 of the Grove House inventory, corresponds to lot 355 of the 1895 sale: ‘A Young Woman, in white muslin dress and pink sash, with her head leaning on her left hand, holding a wreath of flowers. 23½ in. x 19½ in.’ This may be Greuze’s Portrait of Jeanne‐Philiberte Ledoux. If it is that picture, part of its interest is in the fact that Mrs Lyne Stephens bought it, presumably in Paris, in 1889 or later.43 That is to say, that she was still adding to her collection in her seventy‐seventh year. The only other French picture originally intended for bequest to the National Gallery was a small canvas by Claude, no. 176 of the Grove House inventory and no. 359 of the 1895 sale, in the catalogue of which it was described as ‘The Artist sitting on the Shore drawing … [etc.] … 13 in. x 19 in.’ and as having come from the Calvieri and Dubois collections and corresponding to Liber Veritatis no. 130. Apparently it is one of two copies,44 and was by 1958 in the Riechers collection, Neuilly‐sur‐Seine.45
There were French paintings at Grove House never intended for the National Gallery: an unidentified François Lemoyne, Nymphs bathing (1895 sale, lot 353); two paintings by Pater, La Balançoire and La Danse, recently sold as a pair at auction and now in a French private collection;46 Vigée Le Brun’s Portrait of the marquise d’Aguesseau de Fresnes, now in Washington;47 and an oval portrait by Nattier said to be of the comte d’Artois as a young man.48
There were also French paintings in Yolande’s Paris apartment. These were (in the order of the 1895 sale catalogue) Watteau’s La Gamme d’Amour (NG 2897);49 another picture ascribed to Watteau of ‘A Lady, in white fur‐trimmed robe, lace head‐dress with pink ribbons/ 21½ in. x 17¼ in.’, the size of which precludes it from being La rêveuse (Art Institute of Chicago),50 but which allows the possibility that it was one of two lost paintings known as The Polish Woman;51 Niçaise by Lancret, and Les Deux Amis by the same artist, both on copper and now in the Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, Williamstown;52 a portrait of the comtesse du Barry by François‐Hubert Drouais;53 a Nattier portrait said to be of the princesse de Conti;54 another Nattier of an unidentified woman, signed and dated 1754, which, judging by the catalogue description, might have been an autograph(?), slightly smaller, replica of Nattier’s Elizabeth, Countess of Warwick in the Frick Collection, New York;55 a portrait of the comte de Ségur, signed and dated 1760, and said to be by Jean‐Baptiste Van Loo, who, however, had died 15 years earlier; one of Greuze’s best portraits, said in the 1895 sale catalogue to be of his father, but in fact of his father‐in‐law, François Babuti;56 a Greuze Portrait of a Girl; and a Boucher Youth. Two French paintings which were not part of the 1895 sale were auctioned in 1911 on behalf of Stephens Lyne Stephens as having once formed part of the Lyne Stephens Collection. The first was by Boilly, ‘A Girl in a white dress, standing in a garden, taking some young birds from a nest’. This may correspond to a picture which had been auctioned in Paris in 1868.57 The second was a Pater ‘Fête Champêtre’ which, in spite of having certain compositional elements in common with Pater’s La Balançoire mentioned above, was certainly a different painting.58 The overall high quality of Yolande Lyne Stephens’s paintings was recognised. In a retrospective review of the art sales of the 1895 season, the Observer was of the opinion that as regards art properties comprising pictures and the thousand and one objets d’art which make up the possessions of the connoisseur, there can be no doubt that interest was chiefly centred in the Lyne‐Stephens and Clifden sales. The former occupied eight days in its dispersal, and achieved the total of over £113,500, of which nearly £47,000 was paid for the pictures,59 which included a Velasquez, a Murillo, a Nattier, and a Watteau.60 With regard to the last, La Gamme d’Amour, Mr. Woods61 committed himself to the avowal that it was the finest he had seen at auction.62
Pending further research, it is not possible precisely to say when the collection was formed. Stephens Lyne Stephens’s father, Charles, had furnished his house at Chicksands Priory, Bedfordshire, with old master paintings,63 all or some of which were presumably transferred to the Roehampton house bought by him in 1843, and then inherited by Stephens on his father’s death in 1851. In addition, however, Yolande may have been buying on her own account before her marriage, albeit not necessarily before the start of her relationship with Stephens Lyne Stephens. This is indicated by an undated note written by Alexandre de Laborde (who died in 1842) in which he wrote of Vigée Le Brun’s Portrait of the marquise d’Aguesseau de Fresnes (Washington DC, National Gallery of Art): ‘Ce tableau avait été acheté par le peintre Féral, expert, à un libraire (?) pour 10,000 francs et revendu à Mlle Duvernoy [sic] danseuse à l’Opéra de Paris, pour 14,000 frs’.64 The last year in which Yolande danced professionally was 1837.65 Additions to the collection were probably made during Stephens’s and Yolande’s marriage,66 and certainly during her widowhood.67 According to the limited provenance information in the 1895 sale catalogue, more pictures were acquired in the later 1860s than in any other period. This may well have been prompted by the completion in 1862 of the building of Lynford Hall, to which a bare majority of the paintings then acquired were destined to go, and by the availability of advice from Edward Claremont, as well as through him from the Marquess of Hertford and Richard Wallace.
It cannot be assumed that all paintings once acquired for the Lyne Stephenses remained permanently in the collection, since an example of a picture being in the collection for a relatively short time is known. Among the ten paintings loaned by Yolande to an exhibition in Paris in 1874 was a Veronese portrait of a young woman with a lapdog. It is now in the Museo Thyssen‐Bornemisza, Madrid.68 It had once been in the Pourtalès collection and was thereafter in the collections of Demidoff, Mrs Lyne Stephens and Wynn Ellis.69 According to an annotation in a copy in the National Gallery of the catalogue of the Pourtalès sale (1865), it was bought by Prince Demidoff and was then in his sale in 1868. In the Lyne Stephens collection by 1874, it must have been bought by Wynn Ellis during the exhibition or very soon after, since he died in 1875. However, the other nine paintings lent by Yolande to the 1874 exhibition were in her posthumous sale of 1895, suggesting that disposals by her were unusual, and, from the available evidence, acquisitions outnumbered disposals. They also outlasted them, with Yolande buying from the Beurnonville sale of 1881 three pictures by Lancret, F.H. Drouais and Nattier, all for the Paris apartment – further evidence, were it needed, of a passion for paintings which was both enduring and tempered with intelligence.70
Notes
I am grateful to Lorne Campbell and Jenifer Roberts for their suggestions made while I was preparing this note.
1 Guest 2008, p. 208. (Back to text.)
2 Cited in Roberts 2003 (p. 254), from which much of this account of Yolande Lyne Stephens’s life is derived. (Back to text.)
3 Ibid. , p. 255. For other portraits of Yolande Duvernay, see Bonhams, Oxford, 17 March 2010, lot 239 (a three‐quarter‐length oil on canvas portrait by Edouard Louis Dubufe, signed and dated 1853); and Bonhams, London, 18 January 2012, lot 244 (a three‐quarter‐length pastel portrait by Antonin‐Marie Moine). (Back to text.)
4 Véron 1853–5, vol. 3, p. 302. Véron, however, had a high regard for her acting ability: ibid. , p. 286. (Back to text.)
5 Jenifer Roberts has advised me that, for her book The Beauty of her Age: A Tale of Sex, Scandal and Money in Victorian England, London 2016, she undertook further research (since writing Glass, cited in note 2), which indicates that Yolande did not miscarry, as Roberts had previously thought, but probably had two children, one when she was a young ballet pupil, and the other with the marquis de La Valette, and that she might have given them away (email of 18 February 2016). (Back to text.)
6 See MeasuringWorth website (www.measuringworth.com). (Back to text.)
7 A number of other prints of Duvernay performing are known, including one by Richard James Lane after Alfred Edward Chalon, London, National Portrait Gallery, inv. D22379. (Back to text.)
8 Her last stage performance was on 19 August 1837 as Jenifer Roberts kindly informed me. (Back to text.)
9 In 1830–1, as a Tory. (Back to text.)
10 Roberts 2003, pp. 232–3. (Back to text.)
11 Ibid. , p. 275. (Back to text.)
12 The hôtel de La Vaupalière was built between 1768 and 1775 by Louis‐Marie Colignon, architect and property developer, and was initially rented by Pierre‐Charles‐Etienne Maignart, marquis de La Vaupalière (1731–1792). In 1843 it was bought by Charlotte Lalive de La Briche, wife of comte Mathieu Louis Molé, President of the Council of Ministers under Louis‐Philippe. It was inherited by one of his granddaughters, the wife of Charles de Noailles, duc d’Ayen, who sold it in 1856 to Stephens Lyne Stephens. After his death, Yolande had the building facing the road (which contained shops) demolished, and had the architect Révillot build a small hôtel, initially no. 85 bis, rue du Faubourg Saint‐Honoré, before it became no. 87. She sold both hôtels in 1875. The building’s courtyard facade was modified in the nineteenth century, and the building divided into two in the twentieth century. The entrance is now at (Back to text.)
13 For an account, and photographs of, Lynford Hall nine years after Yolande Lyne Stephens’s death, since which event no changes to the exterior were noted, see Lynford Hall 1903. The anonymous author writes (p. 762): ‘There is a good deal that is French in the style of this splendid metal‐work [of the long ornamental grille on the approach to the house], as elsewhere in the house and gardens, but an effort was made to use local materials wherever possible.’ See also Cocke 2011. (Back to text.)
14 For these dispositions, see Roberts 2003, pp. 277–80. (Back to text.)
15 Cocke 2011, pp. 473–4 and figs 44 and 45. (Back to text.)
16 She also financed the construction of the Catholic churches of Our Lady and St Stephen, Lynford, in 1878 (www.norfolkchurches.co.uk/lynford/lynford.htm) and of St Francis of Assisi, Shefford, Bedfordshire, opened in 1884 (www.britishlistedbuildings.co.uk and Bedfordshire Archives and Record Services, inv. Z551/3). (Back to text.)
17 For Yolande’s liaison with Claremont, see Roberts 2016, pp. 102–6, 119–26, 151–69, 183–93; and for Claremont’s friendship with Hertford and Wallace, see Blount 1902, pp. 265–6. (Back to text.)
18 The date is given in Paris mon Village (n.d.). (Back to text.)
19 Cited in Roberts 2003, p. 303. (Back to text.)
20 Ibid. , pp. 319–20. For a slightly irreverent obituary of Yolande Lyne Stephens which alludes to her racier dancing days, see the New York Times, 23 September 1894. (Back to text.)
21 Roberts 2003, p. 314. (Back to text.)
22 On these paintings, see Campbell 1998, p. 15. (Back to text.)
23 Ibid. The will as a whole was not revoked. Consequently, probate of it, and of the codicil revoking the bequests, was granted, and copies of both documents can be inspected at the Probate Registry. (Back to text.)
24 See The Times, 8 May 1895, p. 8 (‘It is said … with what truth we know not, that the old lady had left many of her beautiful French pictures to the nation and that she altered her will in consequence of Sir William Harcourt’s Budget of last year, so that the National Gallery has had to content itself with two less costly pictures’), and Roberts 2003, p. 320. Estate Duty was introduced by the Finance Act, 1894. The duty arising was charged on the value of all property passing on death, and the rate was 8 per cent on estates worth over £1,000,000. Some relief from this provision in respect of works of art was given in the Finance Act, 1896. Among the pecuniary beneficiaries of Yolande Lyne Stephens’s French will was Mme Frédéric Reiset, widow of the former director of France’s Musées Nationaux. Given that, and Yolande’s strong continuing connection with France, it seems strange that she thought only to benefit London’s National Gallery. Curiously, on 23 May 1894 – so just months before Yolande Lyne Stephens decided to revoke her bequest to the National Gallery – Lady Wallace made her will leaving what is now called ‘The Wallace Collection’ to the ‘British Nation’. On 24 April 1895, however, she made a codicil, making her bequest in effect conditional on HM Treasury levying no estate duty in respect of the collection. Doubtless this, and the loss to the nation of the English part of the Lyne Stephens bequest, were instrumental in procuring the legislation of 1896 giving relief from duty on works of art. (Back to text.)
25 For example, no. 98 (Velázquez’s Philip IV) had been in the Salamanca sale in Paris on 3–6 June 1867 and so acquired by Mrs Lyne Stephens then or soon thereafter, but, Murillo’s Triumph of the Eucharist, had been in the Pourtalès sale two years earlier. (Back to text.)
26 For example, two paintings once in the Lyne Stephens collection, but not in the inventory, nor in the 1895 or 1911 sales, were offered at auction at Christie’s, London, 16 December 1998, lots 164 (Benedetto Caliari, Allegory of the Theological Virtues) and 165 (Giovanni Battista Salvi, Il Sassoferrato, The Madonna at Prayer). (Back to text.)
27 A reference in this discussion to a painting being ‘by’ any particular artist does not mean that that attribution is here accepted. It is no more than repeating the attribution(s) given in the inventory and/or the catalogue of the 1895 sale. (Back to text.)
28 The Lyne Stephens Philip IV was called at the time ‘a brilliant repetition of the portrait of Philip IV in the Dulwich Gallery’ (The Times, 8 May 1895, p. 8), hence a copy of the painting by Velázquez now in the Frick Collection, New York (inv. no. 11.1.123). (Back to text.)
29 A photograph taken of the library in 1895 by H.P. Robinson, Redhill, probably shows the portrait of an Infanta on the right‐hand side of a fireplace at the far end of the room, in which case the similarly sized painting on the left‐hand side is probably the portrait of Philip IV. That the Murillo hung in the library can be seen by comparison with a photograph of it facing p. 40 of Christie’s sale catalogue of the 1895 sale. This picture, now in the collection at Buscot Park (National Trust) is one of the four lunettes by Murillo painted for the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville, in about 1665. It was bought by Yolande Lyne Stephens in the Pourtalès sale, Paris, 27 March 1865. It was acquired at the Lyne Stephens sale, London, 11 May 1895, by Agnew’s, who sold it in 1908 to Sir Alexander Henderson, later 1st Lord Faringdon (see Finaldi 2012, no. 6). (Back to text.)
30 The reference is presumably to Pourbus the Younger, assuming that the Christine de Savoie referred to is the daughter of Henri IV of France. (Back to text.)
31 For this painting (NG 1449) see Wine 2001, pp. 24–31. (Back to text.)
32 Of the four paintings only that by Philippe de Champaigne had a provenance that was recorded (the 1869 Espagnac sale), so it is likely that the other three paintings came from a different source or sources. For another example of collecting in the later nineteenth century to create a particular hang, see Postle 1994, p. 23. (Back to text.)
33 As kindly advised by Jenifer Roberts (email of 17 March 2009). (Back to text.)
34 I am grateful to Jenifer Roberts for sending me photocopies of this photograph and others of the interior. (Back to text.)
35 The painting was called ‘Horsemen saluting a personage in a carriage drawn by six horses’ in the 1887 inventory. It was bought by Agnew’s on the National Gallery’s behalf at the 1895 sale. (Back to text.)
36 The Ostade’s other neighbour was Aelbert Cuyp’s Equestrian Portrait of Cornelis and Michiel Pompe van Meerdervoort with their Tutor and Coachman, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. According to The Times, 13 May 1895, it was the best of the Dutch pictures in the Lyne Stephens sale. (Back to text.)
37 For the history and attribution of this picture, see Baticle and Marinas 1981, no. 157. (Back to text.)
38 Rosenfeld 1981, no. 19. It was lot 362, and presumably bought in, since it reappeared in the 1911 sale of Stephens Lyne Stephens: Christie, Manson & Woods, London, 16 June 1911, lot 105, £1,627 10s. to Partridge Lewis Summers. (Back to text.)
39 For this portrait, see Salmon 1999b, no. 77. According to this, the earliest known provenance was that given by Paul Mantz in 1894 who said that the painting had ‘recently’ been sold at the hôtel Drouot, Paris. However, it was acquired by Yolande Lyne Stephens before April 1874 when it was lent by her to an exhibition in Paris: Explication des ouvrages de peinture exposés au profit de la colonisation de l’Algérie par les Alsaciens‐Lorrains, Palais de la Présidence du Corps legislative, Paris, 23 April 1874, no. 363. The painting was lot 363 of the 1895 sale. Bernard Jazzar (email of 23 March 2009) kindly informed me that he had discovered a paper label attached to the stretcher bar which reads ‘ce tableau appartient à Madame Lyne Stephens’ followed by an undecipherable signature. (Back to text.)
40 The previous owners of the Portland painting included the marquis de Véri, Grimod de La Reynière, the comte d’Arzujon and baron James de Rothschild, in whose 1860 Paris sale it was. There is no other provenance for the Portland picture between 1860 and 1920. This, and the generally high overall quality of the Lyne Stephens collection, also tend to support the supposition that the Lyne Stephens picture and the Portland picture are one and the same. Edgar Munhall, however, considers that it must have been a copy, noting that the 1895 sale catalogue described it as a replica, and that several copies of the work are known: Munhall 1976, no. 94. At the 1895 sale it was apparently sold to ‘Walters’ for £367 10s. However, a number of other paintings so sold reappeared in the 1911 sale, from which it seems likely that ‘Walters’ was a code for bought in. It was probably the painting offered as lot 99 of the 1911 sale with identical dimensions, but without the illustrious provenance given in the 1895 sale. In 1911 it was called The Unhappy Family and sold to Schnell for £294. (Back to text.)
41 Where sold to Walters. See the previous note for the possible significance of this. (Back to text.)
42 The Musée Fabre painting is a panel, 91.5 x 79 cm, inv. no. 836.4.21. (Back to text.)
43 See Munhall 1976, no. 103 (entry by Edgar Munhall). (Back to text.)
44 Kitson 1978. (Back to text.)
45 Roethlisberger 1961, vol. 1, pp. 316–17; and email of 12 February 2016 from Marcel Roethlisberger. (Back to text.)
46 Tajan, Paris, 19 December 2007, lot 33, for 471,361 euros including tax and buyer’s premium, to Louis Grandchamp des Raux, by whom sold Sotheby’s, Paris, in collaboration with Artcurial, Paris, 26 March 2015, lot 10. (Back to text.)
47 For the identification of the sitter originally as the marquise de Fresne, see Baillio 1980; and for a comprehensive discussion of the painting in which the sitter’s name has been corrected by Joseph Baillio, see Conisbee 2009, no. 94 (entry by Joseph Baillio). (Back to text.)
48 The comte d’Artois was nine years old when Nattier died. (Back to text.)
49 This, and the other French paintings hereafter mentioned, were said in the catalogue of the 1895 sale to have been ‘removed from Mrs. Lyne Stephens’ house [sic] in Paris’. (Back to text.)
50 See Morgan Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984, p. 306. (Back to text.)
51 For these paintings, see ibid. , p. 305. The dimensions, but not the size, of the Lyne Stephens painting are almost identical to those of the copy in the Muzeum Narodowe, Warsaw, and quite close to those of the engraving by Aubert of the seated Polish Woman. (Back to text.)
52 Wildenstein 1924, nos. 655 and 641, and fig. 165, where recorded as in the Pierpont Morgan collection. (Back to text.)
53 In the collection of the comte and comtesse de Ganay in 1933: Three French Reigns 1933, no. 493. (Back to text.)
54 The composition bears some resemblance in reverse to that of Nattier’s Madame la comtesse de Brac en Aurore (Detroit Institute of Arts), but it is not that picture, as the size, and above all the catalogue illustration, make clear. For the Detroit painting, see Xavier Salmon 1999b, no. 29. (Back to text.)
55 The provenance of the Frick painting precludes it from having once been in the Lyne Stephens collection: Frick Collection, vol.II, 1968, p. 166. (Back to text.)
56 See Munhall 1976, no. 26. (Back to text.)
57 Christie, Manson & Woods, 16 June 1911, lot 95, with dimensions given as 15½ x 12 in., £714 to Simpson. The metric equivalents are 41.94 x 32.47 cm. It may correspond to Drouot, 15 April 1868, Philippe Lechat, lot 4: ‘Au pied d’un grand arbre … et d’un banc de pierre sur lequel est un petit chien blanc longs poils, ruban bleu autour de son cou, on voit une jeune fille blonde; une écharpe lui entoure les épaules se rattachant … à ceinture; jupe de soie blanche; elle est occupée de retirer d’un tronc d’arbre un nid de pinsons; droite, sur une branche, la mère craint pour ses petits. Toile – H. 40 cm, L. 32 cm.’ I am grateful to Etienne Breton for this suggestion. (Back to text.)
58 Christie, Manson & Woods, 16 June 1911, lot 107 where described as ‘Five figures and two children, round a table; a man rocking a girl in a swing on the left / 21 in by 18 in.’. (Back to text.)
59 The total figures calculated by The Times (22 May 1895) were £76,946 12s. 6d. for the porcelain, decorative furniture and objets d’art; £46,786 16s. for the pictures; and £17,271 3s. for the jewels; making a total of £141,004 11s. 6d. (Back to text.)
60 Clearly a reference to NG 2897 since its price of 3,350 guineas is mentioned in the same article. (Back to text.)
61
“’
‘
Mr. Woods’ was presumably the partner of that name in the auctioneering firm of Christie, Manson
& Woods which organised the Lyne Stephens sale. (Back to text.)
62 Observer, 21 July 1895, p. 6. The Magazine of Art considered that the Lyne Stephens collection was the chief among the several important collections to have recently been auctioned, and it included a reproduction of NG 2897: vol. 18 (1894–5), pp. 356 and 360. (Back to text.)
63 Roberts 2003, pp. 235–6. Possible candidates for being identified as acquisitions by Charles Lyne Stephens for Chicksands Priory are pictures attributed to Backhuysen (no. 327 of the 1895 sale), Claude (no. 359), Berchem (no. 94 of the sale at Christie, Manson & Woods, 16 June 1911) and Van der Heyden (no. 103 of the 1911 sale). (Back to text.)
64 Passage cited in Baillio 1980, p. 164. (Back to text.)
65 Email from Jenifer Roberts dated 17 March 2009 advising that her last stage performance was on 19 August 1837. (Back to text.)
66 For example, the Cuyp Prince of Orange and his Sons (no. 331 of the 1895 sale) was sold in London in 1848 (to Norton) and the Murillo St Joseph and the Infant Joseph (no. 325 of the 1895 sale) was sold there in 1853 (to Rutley), but it not known how soon after that they were acquired by the Lyne Stephenses. (Back to text.)
67 The paintings in the 1895 sale certainly acquired after Stephens Lyne Stephens’s death in 1860 were nos. 320, 321 and 323 (Velázquez), no. 324 (Murillo), no. 336 (Van der Meulen), no. 337 (Mignon), no. 340 (Ostade), no. 343 (Rubens and Breughel), no. 349 (Van de Velde), no. 361 (Philippe de Champaigne), no. 368 (Lancret), no. 370 (François Hubert Drouais) and no. 371 (Nattier). (Back to text.)
68 For the paintings lent by Yolande Lyne Stephens, see Explication des ouvrages 1874, nos. 36, 211, 212, 338, 359, 363, 445, 505, 506 and 529. The Veronese was no. 36. For a note on its attribution and dating by various scholars, see Pita Andrade and del Mar Borobia Guerrero 1992, p. 226. Eugenia Alonso has confirmed that there is no further information at the Museo Thyssen‐Bornemisza on the painting’s provenance. (Back to text.)
69 Pignatti 1976, vol. 1, no. A44. (Back to text.)
70 Lots 368, 370 and 371 of the 1895 sale. (Back to text.)
Appendix
This is the inventory of my collection of Pictures Ornamental China and Objects d’Art referred to in my Will dated the eighth day of March 1887 and signed by me on the same day but previously to executing my said Will – Y M L STEPHENS –
Here follows translation from the French –
40 | Large picture by J Fyt Hunting the boar Canvas Gilt frame |
---|---|
41 | Large picture by Melchior Hondercostes Bird called ‘the Court of the Grand Duke’ It is perched on the branch of a tree Other birds are flying round it Canvas Gilt frame |
76 | Large picture by Paul Veronese ‘Moses saved from the waters’ A painting powerfully executed and richly coloured Gilt carved frame |
90 | Picture by Mariotto Albertinelli ‘The Virgin seated on a throne holds Jesus who welcomes a martyred female Saint On the other side is a female Saint kneeling and holding back a curtain Canvas Carved frame’ |
98 | Picture by Velasquez Portrait of Philip IV He is dressed in a red costume embroidered with silver with a wide turned down collar and holds a flag in his hand Canvas gilt carved frame |
99 | Picture by Velasquez Portrait of an Infanta she is standing and is dressed in a black robe her right hand resting on a little dog which is lying on a chair Very beautiful portrait Canvas gilt frame |
---|
108 | Picture by Murillo The triumph of the Eucharist A superb painting full of beautiful inspiration and fine proportion from top to bottom A picture of the first rank by this Master Gilt frame |
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185 | Picture by Troyon – Two white hunting dogs in leash another brown hunting dog Close by is seated a gamekeeper the picture giving a back view of him A wood with sky shown in the background A very fine painting vigorous in tone Gilt frame |
190 | Picture by Abraham Mignon – In the foreground the hollow trunk of a tree surrounded by all kinds of flowers and vegetation a goat foliage wild poppy etc Close by a birds nest containing eggs Above two birds of rich plumage Below a frog A very fine painting of this Masters of exceptional finish and merit Gilt frame |
212 | Picture by Backhuysen – Sea view Dutch men of War and other smaller vessels on a troubled sea Canvas Gilt frame |
214 | Picture by J Weenix – A Peacock and several other dead birds lying on the ground On the right a fine Spaniel with his paw upon a duck On the left a red parrot is perched on the pedestal of a vase View of a park in the background A fine painting by this Master gilt frame |
216 | Picture by Sneyders Dead nature On a table a roe some quails partridges etc Close by a basket of fruit Two greyhounds are scenting the game canvas gilt frame |
224 | Picture by Janino Janini – The Virgin seated under a canopy holding Jesus On each side Saints and female Saints and other personages on their knees adoring the Divine Infant A painting on wood of a beautiful description Below is a Cherub playing the viol Gilt Frame |
225 | Picture – Italian school of the Sixteenth Century Jesus and the Virgin seated under a canopy surrounded by angels give the keys of Paradise St Francois aux Stigmates Holy Bishops and Cardinals are kneeling near painting on wood Carved gilt frame |
227 | Picture by Garofalo Jesus and Mary Magdalen Painting on wood Gilt frame |
229 | Picture by Reubens The Holy Family with surroundings Wreath of flowers by Breughel de Velours(?) or Seghers A painting on wood Excellent pictures of these Masters Carved gilt frame |
278 | Portrait of Louis XIV by Hyacinthe Rigaud He is wearing a cuirass and bears the broad ribbon of the Holy Ghost saltierwise He is leaning on a Commanders baton bearing the fleur-de-lys Canvas Gilt frame |
279 | Full length portrait of Cardinal Richelieu by Philippe de Champaigne He is wearing a red robe and holds the biretta in his hand Canvas Gilt frame |
280 | Portrait of Christine de Savoic [sic] by Pourbus She is attired in state robes Gilt canvas frame |
281 | Picture by Largilliere Portrait of Mme _____ _____ attired in a robe of white silk She is looking at her reflection in a mirror A very beautiful painting Gilt frame |
18 | Picture by Nattier portrait of a girl of the Louis the fifteenth period She is seated on a clouds and holds two pigeons secured by a blue ribbon Signed Nattier Junior 1757 canvas gilt wooden frame |
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19 | Picture by Greuze The Drunkard A mother with her two children is reproaching her husband who enters in a state of intoxication canvas gilt frame |
20 | Picture by Vandes Meulen Horsemen saluting a personage in a carriage drawn by six horses Signed A F V Meulen Fecit 1662 Bruxel Canvas Gilt frame A very fine picture |
74 | A picture by Greuze a young woman praying she is kneeling and leaning against a bed with her eyes raised to Heaven Wood Gilt frame |
75 | Picture by Teniers Choiseul Gallery two men seated on a tub drinking and smoking Another man is standing and leaning on a stick while talking to them Painted on wood of a round form A very fine picture Gilt frame |
76 | A picture by Gerard Dow a young girl singing the notes of the scale and holding a piece of music Painting on wood of oval form Framed |
77 | Picture by Triburg [sic] [Gerard ter Borch?] The visit A young woman a white satin dress is rising and giving her hand to an Officer wearing a cuirass Behind are other personages seated at a table Canvas Gilt frame |
79 | A picture by Philippe Wonvermans A horseman arriving at the door of a stable A groom is advancing to receive him Others are attending on horses etc Wood Gilt frame |
80 | Picture by Bettini [Bellini] Virgin and the Infant Jesus Landscape in the background Signed Joannes Bettini Wood Gilt frame |
103 | Picture by Guillaume Van de Velde Sea view A boat is carrying a General Officer on board ship A vessel fires a salute wither guns A very fine picture canvas Gilt frame |
104 | Parge [sic] picture by Albert Cuyp Portrait of the Child Prince of Orange He is on horseback accompanied by a young lord in a red costume and by an officer on horseback A hunting groom holds two greyhounds in leash In the background are sportsmen and dogs Signed A Cuyp fecit A superb picture Cancas [sic] Gilt frame |
105 | A picture by Isaac Ostade A halt before the door of an inn A man is preparing to mount the saddle Another is on horseback There are other personages variously occupied Signed and dated Isaac Van Ostade 1645 Canvas Gilt frame Morny Sale |
106 | Picture by Esteban Murillo Saint Joseph and the Infant Jesus He is holding flowers A magnificent painting Gilt frame |
107 | A picture by Karel Dujardin Return from the chase A huntsman riding a white horse is speaking to a hunting attendant In the foreground is a mule loaded with game In the distance there are huntsmen returning Canvas Framed |
109 | Picture by Van den Heyden A public square in Holland In the background a Church On the left a house and trees Various personages are passing to and fro and traversing the square An excellent picture Wood Gilt frame |
152 | A picture by Philippe Wonvermans Fording the river two men leading horses have just forded a river Between are two dogs who are swimming after them Then come a woman and a child Other persons are preparing to ford the river A charming picture very fine in all respects Canvas framed |
156 | I [sic] picture by Backnysen [Backhuysen] Sea view Calm weather There are fishermen on the shore A very fine painting Gilt frame |
175 | A picture by Claude Galle [sic] known as Lorrain Sea view On the left a porch with three personages near a boat or barge In the distance several ships on the sea Sunlight effect A very fine picture of this Masters Canvas Framed |
176 | A small picture by Claude Lorrain On the left the bow of a ship on the right a group of trees & ships on the sea in the centre of the foreground a personage is seated engaged in sketching the view Sunlight effect Canvas Gilt frame |
177 | Picture by Guillaume van de Velde Sea view Vessels labour in stormy weather A very fine picture Canvas Framed |
178 | Picture by Jacques Riujsdael Landscape Hills covered with vegetation A peasant and his dog are issuing from a ravine Signed on the left with a monogram Wood Framed |
185 | A picture by Ceynauts Landscape On the right a rising ground with an oak Below are personages near a running stream A very fine picture Wood framed |
190 | Picture by Greuze A young woman with her head slightly bent She holds a wreath of flowers Wood gilt frame |
194 | Picture by Canaletti A view of Venice The great canal traversed in all directions by boats On the right in the foreground the gateway of a Church in the background on the left a palace bordering the Canal canvas Gilt frame |
213 | A picture by Velasquez Portrait of an Infanta Canvas Gilt frame |
Sir John Pringle, 5th Baronet, of Stichill (1784–1869)
- Antoine Watteau, La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love) (NG 2897)
Sir John Pringle,1 Vice‐Lieutenant of the County of Roxburgh,2 was the second son of Sir James Pringle, 4th Baronet, of Stichill (1726–1809), an army officer who also represented Berwickshire in Parliament (1761–79) and held the office of His Majesty’s Master of Works for Scotland.3 Prior to inheriting the baronetcy, Sir John Pringle is said to have inherited the bulk of the estate of a distinguished uncle who had predeceased him, namely the Sir John Pringle (1707–1782) who had been President of the Royal Society (1772–8) and physician to King George III.4
The Pringles were partial to the women of the Macleods of Macleod. Sir John’s mother was Elizabeth, second daughter of Norman Macleod of Macleod (died 1772). His elder brother, Robert, married Sarah, daughter of Major‐General Norman Macleod of Macleod (died 1831) who was the grandson of the first‐named Norman Macleod. In 1809 John himself first married Sarah’s younger sister, Emilia Anne Macleod. She died in 1830.5 His second marriage in the following year was, however, not to a Macleod but to another Scottish noblewoman, Lady Elizabeth Maitland‐Campbell (1794–1878), daughter of Sir John Campbell, 1st Marquess of Breadalbane.6 After Sir John Campbell’s death in 1834, Elizabeth inherited the estate at Langton House, Berwick.7
Although Sir John Pringle had five daughters and three sons by his first marriage, none of the sons survived him. One accidentally drowned in the Thames in 1834,8 one died at sea in 1847 and a third, his eldest son, who had been severely wounded in a duel on Kelso racecourse in 1829,9 died unmarried in 1865. He had one grandson who also predeceased him.10 He had two daughters but no sons by his second marriage.11 Consequently, on his death the baronetcy passed to his brother, Norman.
Sir John Pringle is said to have served ten years in the 12th Light Dragoons,12 but he may have originally been a cornet in the 2nd Dragoon Guards in 180013 before transferring to the 66th Foot, and thence finally in 1806 to the 12th Light Dragoons with the rank of captain.14 The 12th Light, known as the 12th Prince of Wales’s Light Dragoons, saw no combat action from 1802, when it returned from Egypt, until 1811, when it was in the Peninsula Campaign. The regiment entered Bordeaux in 1814, and fought at Waterloo the following year, entering Paris in July.15 It is not known whether Sir John Pringle was still serving at that time.
Records of Sir John’s activities thereafter are sparse. Until the 1850s, when he sold the estate, the family seat was at Stichill, Roxburghshire, and thereafter he and Lady Elizabeth Pringle lived at Undermount, Bonchurch, Isle of Wight.16 Sir John’s political convictions were Tory but he was rarely active. In 1831 he and Sir Walter Scott spoke at a meeting of local gentry at Jedburgh in opposition to the Reform Bill.17 (The following year he was among those who attended Scott’s funeral at Dryburgh Abbey, Roxburghshire.)18 In 1834 Pringle successfully proposed the election of Sir Hugh Purves‐Hume‐Campbell as Conservative MP for Berwickshire.19 Some years later he chaired a meeting in Kelso held to voice opposition to the repeal of the Corn Laws.20 In his opposition to the Reform Bill and to the repeal of the protectionist Corn Laws, Pringle was on the losing side in both cases. There is no record of any political intervention by him thereafter. He appears to have been interested in improving food production, experimenting with various meat preservatives before concluding that there was an inverse relationship between efficacy and taste,21 and allegedly tripling his cows’ milk production by the use of ‘Thorley’s condiment’.22 Such activities may have made him less than riveting company. Certainly, he scarcely figured in the society pages, although he and Lady Elizabeth Pringle were at Taymouth, the seat of the Marquess of Breadalbane, for the visit there of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in 1842,23 and Sir John joined the guests after dinner at Windsor Castle in 1856.24 It seems likely that the Pringles continued some acquaintance with the royal family when the Pringles moved to Bonchurch, a half‐day’s journey from Osborne House, Isle of Wight.25 Otherwise, to judge from contemporary reports, or rather the lack of them, Sir John kept to his estates. Only a single visit to London (in 1834) was reported,26 and there is no evidence that he owned a house in the capital.
None of which prepares us for the fact that by 1837, if not by 1835,27 Sir John possessed a considerable number of old master paintings. It is unclear when he started collecting but he made one purchase from the Fonthill Abbey sale in 1823.28 Three paintings belonging to him were put up for sale on 5 May 182729 and a painting sold in 1835 by Charles O’Neil, described as ‘A. Vandyck, Judas betraying Christ, the sketch for the great picture at Blenheim’, was further described as from the collection of Sir John Pringle.30 This suggests active buying (and selling) on his part for over a decade or more, although it does not preclude his having inherited pictures on the death of his father in 1809. One hundred and two lots were put up for auction by him in 1835, and 54 in 1837 (including Watteau’s La Gamme d’Amour), and a further 17 in 1859. The Italian School was represented in the 1835 sale by one picture attributed to each of Domenichino, Sirani, Sassoferrato, Procaccini, Canaletto, Zuccarelli and Salvator Rosa, and two paintings attributed to Guardi; and in the 1837 sale by ‘A. del Sarto’ (one lot), Zuccarelli (three lots) and one by ‘Carracci’ (one lot). In the 1835 sale the French School included paintings by J.‐B. Monnoyer, Nicolas Poussin, Dughet and Greuze, and there was one painting attributed to Murillo. In 1837, besides La Gamme d’Amour there was one painting by each of Dughet, Greuze and Parrocel in the French School, the Italian School paintings already mentioned and an Assumption of the Virgin by Zurbarán. The English School was represented by a pair of pictures by Reynolds in the 1835 sale, and by two by Wilson and one by Gainsborough in 1837. In both 1835 and 1837 the bulk of the lots, however, were of Dutch and Flemish pictures, and in both cases most of the pictures were portraits, genre or landscape. By contrast, the 1859 sale had no Dutch paintings; of 17 lots there were seven Italian, four Spanish, one English (Richard Wilson again), a picture given to Rubens, and others given to Watteau, Vernet and Nicolas Poussin. Just over half the lots were of historical or religious subjects. The average price per lot at the 1859 sale (some £67) was markedly higher than at the 1837 sale (some £28).31
Based on the these few known facts it is tempting to hypothesise that, whereas the 1859 sale was prompted by the move from Stichill to Bonchurch, the 1835 and 1837 sales were more in the nature of a substantial pruning necessitated by the arrival of paintings belonging to Lady Elizabeth. She appears ultimately to have had a considerable collection in her own right, enabling her, for example, to lend 14 paintings to the Royal Academy’s Winter Exhibition of 1877,32 and Rubens’s Feast of Herod to the 1878 Winter Exhibition.33 This was a painting that her father, 1st Marquess of Breadalbane, had acquired in Naples in around 1830.34 Whereas a picture in Lady Elizabeth’s collection particularly prized by contemporaries, Landseer’s Stag at Bay (Dublin Castle, on loan from the Guinness family), for which she reportedly turned down an offer of £10,000,35 was inherited by her from her brother, the 2nd Marquess of Breadalbane (died 1862),36 and this is also probably the case with the Rubens Feast of Herod,37 it is possible that she inherited others directly from her father, the 1st Marquess. He had died in 1834, but the distribution of his estate was not settled until 1836.38 If it was soon after her father’s death that Lady Elizabeth took possession of a significant number of his paintings, that fact might explain Sir John’s sales in 1835 and 1837.
Notes
1 No portrait of Sir John Pringle has been traced. I am grateful to James Pringle, a descendant of Sir Norman Pringle (6th Baronet and Sir John Pringle’s brother), for this information and his advice generally concerning this biography of his ancestor. (Back to text.)
2 For his holding this title by 1846, see The Times, 16 January 1846, p. 6, col. A. (Back to text.)
3 Burke’s Peerage 1999, p. 2315. (Back to text.)
4 Burke’s Peerage 1999. However, James Pringle advises me that Sir John may have left his estate to Sir James, 4th Baronet. (Back to text.)
5 For a pastel portrait by Archibald Skirving (1749–1819) which may be of Emilia Anne Macleod, see Christie’s, London, 3 July 2012, lot 77. (Back to text.)
6 Burke’s Peerage 1999 and Burke’s Peerage 2003, p. 2529. (Back to text.)
7 Information kindly supplied by James Pringle (email of 12 January 2009). (Back to text.)
8 The Times, 27 May 1834, p. 3, col. F. (Back to text.)
9 Ibid. , 10 December 1829, p. 2, col. D. (Back to text.)
10 Ibid., 11 August 1932, p. 12, col. C. (Back to text.)
11 He and Lady Elizabeth Pringle also brought up two orphaned grandchildren, one of whom became Lady Cathcart of Cluny, who collected pictures at her estate at Titness Park, Sunninghill, Berkshire: ibid. , 11 August 1932, p. 12, col. C. (Back to text.)
12 Complete Baronetage 1904, p. 319. (Back to text.)
13 London Gazette, 8–11 March 1800, p. 240. (Back to text.)
14 Ibid. , 4–8 February 1806, p. 160. (Back to text.)
15 Steve Brown, ‘British Cavalry Regiments and the Men Who Led Them 1793–1815’ in www.napoleon‐series.org. (Back to text.)
16 I am grateful to James Pringle (email of 10 January 2009). See also a legal notice in The Times, 23 June 1869, p. 1, col. B. Sir John Pringle’s widow, Elizabeth, probably continued to live at Undermount whence she was received at Osborne House by Queen Victoria in 1872: ibid. , 25 July 1872, p. 9, col. F. Soon after Sir John Pringle sold the house at Stichill the new owner demolished it. The replacement was itself demolished. (Back to text.)
17 Ibid. , 28 March 1831, p. 1, col. F. (Back to text.)
18 Observer, 30 September 1832, p. 1. (Back to text.)
19 Ibid. , 11 May 1834, p. 2. (Back to text.)
20 The Times, 16 January 1846, p. 6, col. A. (Back to text.)
21 Manchester Guardian, 13 September 1837, p. 1 . (Back to text.)
22 Observer, 11 November 1860, p. 7. (Back to text.)
23 The Times, 13 September 1842, p. 4, col. F. (Back to text.)
24 Observer, 15 June 1856, reporting the events of 12 June. (Back to text.)
25 At all events Lady Elizabeth was received by the Queen at Osborne House some three years after the death of Sir John: The Times, 25 July 1872, p. 9, col. F. (Back to text.)
26 Ibid. , 27 May 1834, p. 3, col. F. (Back to text.)
27 See MacLaren 1991, vol. 1, p. 382. Apparently, Ruisdael NG 746, Ruins in a Dune Landscape, was in the sale of ‘a Baronet’ at Phillips, London, 14 March 1835 (lot 80, bought [in?] Bryant 70 guineas). The picture can reasonably be identified from Smith 1829–42, Supplement, no. 105 to have belonged to Sir John Pringle. Support for the proposition that the unnamed baronet was in fact Sir John Pringle can be found in the fact that a number of the lots in the 1835 sale were probably also in the 1837 sale – namely, lots 13, 21, 28, 44, 92 and 94. (Back to text.)
28 Phillips, Fonthill, Wiltshire, 10–15 October 1823, lot 22, described as ‘Adriaen de Gryef A Dead Hare, with Partridges, Snipe, and Dog, in a Landscape, very highly finished – and upright, sold to Pringle for £50.8s’ (The Getty Provenance Index Databases, Sales Catalog Br‐12324). (Back to text.)
29 Christie’s, London, 5 May 1827, lots 94, 95 and 96 (The Getty Provenance Index Databases, Sales Catalog Br‐12752). (Back to text.)
30 Foster, London, 4 July 1835, lot 124 (The Getty Provenance Index Databases, Sales Catalog Br‐14166). (Back to text.)
31 Too few of the lots in the 1835 sale are priced so a comparison is not possible. (Back to text.)
32 For mention of some of these paintings in reviews of the exhibition, see the following issues of The Times in 1877: 1 January, p. 6, col. B; 9 January, p. 3, col. C; 17 January, p. 4, col. F. (Back to text.)
33 See Burchard 1953. (Back to text.)
34 I am grateful to Tico Seifert (email of 1 May 2015) for the information about the acquisition of the picture by the 1st Marquess of Breadalbane. (Back to text.)
35 Observer, 18 July 1875, thus two years after Landseer’s death. The story was told by Sir Francis Grant, PRA, at a dinner given by the Lord Mayor at the Mansion House in the presence of members of the Landseer family. (Back to text.)
36 Ormond 2005, p. 104 (ill. p. 114), where Richard Ormond states that painting went to the 2nd Marquess. (Back to text.)
37 In 1842 Smith in his Supplement (see Smith 1829–42) cited in note 27, no. 229 wrote that the painting ‘is in the possession of Lord Ormelie, who bought it in Naples in 1830’. In 1842 Lord Ormelie could have referred only to the 2nd Marquess since the 1st Marquess, who had been created Lord Ormelie in 1831, had died in 1834. (Back to text.)
38 Marquis of Breadalbane v. Marchioness of Chandos, 20 January 1836, in Cases decided in the Court of Session, from Nov. 12, 1835 to July 27, 1836, reported in Scotland. Court of Session, Cases decided in the Court of Session, from May 12, 1821 to July 11, 1838. Reported by Patrick Shaw and John Ballantine (J.M. Bell, Alexander Dunlop, John Murray, Mark Napier). 16 vols, Edinburgh 1822–38, vol. 14 (1836), no. 96. It is likely that all the paintings at Taymouth Castle were bequeathed to the 2nd Marquess, but that paintings at other properties formed part of the entitlements of the widow and two daughters: Cases decided …, ibid. , p. 310. (Back to text.)
Abbreviations
- AN
- Allgemeines Künstler Lexikon
- AP
- Archives privées
- GPI
- Getty Provenance Index https://piprod.getty.edu/starweb/pi/servlet.starweb?path=pi/pi.web
- MC
- Minutier central, Paris
Technical abbreviations
- Macro‐XRF
- Macro X‐ray fluorescence
- XRD
- X‐ray powder diffraction
List of archive references cited
- Archives privées, Fichier alphabétique de l’état reconstitué, V3E/D1006
- Archives privées, Fichier alphabétique de l’état reconstitué, V3E/D297
- London, National Gallery, Archive: Louisa Davey, An illustrated catalogue of the National Gallery frames, 2012
- London, National Gallery, Archive, NG1/8: Minutes of the Board of Trustees, vol. VIII, 25 January 1910–8 January 1918
- London, National Gallery, Conservation Department, conservation dossier for NG2897
- Paris, Archives nationales, Minutier central, ET/XXIII/517: Pierre‐Jean Mariette, inventory of 16 October 1741, 19 October 1741
List of references cited
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- Alfeld et al. 2013
- Alfeld, A., J.V. Pedroso, M. van Eikema Hommes, G. Van der Snickt, G. Tauber, J. Blaas, M. Haschke, K. Erler, J. Dik and K. Janssens, ‘A mobile instrument for in situ scanning macro‐XRF investigation of historical paintings’, Journal of Analytical Atomic Spectrometry, 2013, 28, 760–7
- Baillio 1980
- Baillio, Joseph, ‘Identification de quelques portraits d’anonymes de Vigée Le Brun aux États‐Unis’, Gazette des Beaux‐Arts, 1980, 96, 157–68
- Baker and Henry 2001
- Baker, Christopher and Tom Henry, The National Gallery Complete Illustrated Catalogue, London 2001
- Barbier and Juratic
- Barbier, F. and S. Juratic, Dictionnaire des hommes du livre. XVIIIe, n.d.
- Bartoll et al. 2007
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- Bartsch 1978–90
- Bartsch, Adam von, The Illustrated Bartsch, eds Walter L. Strauss and John T. Spike, 48 vols, New York 1978–90
- Bellori 1685
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- Billinge 2009
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- Bradbury and Penny 2002
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- Bryant 2002
- Bryant, Julius, ‘The Wernher Collection at Ranger’s House: The new home for Britain’s Gilded Age treasury’, Apollo, May 2002, 155, 483, 3–9
- Burlington Magazine 1912
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- Burkard 2008
- Burollet, Thérèse, Musée Cognacq‐Jay. Les Collections. Pastels et Dessins, 2nd edn, Paris 2008 (1980)
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- Clark et al. 1998
- Clark, Alvin L., Jr, Margaret Morgan Grasselli, Jean‐François Méjanès, William W. Robinson, foreword by Pierre Rosenberg, Mastery and Elegance: Two Centuries of French Drawings from the Collection of Jeffrey E. Horvitz (exh. cat. Harvard University Art Museums, Cambridge MA; Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto; Musée Jacquemart‐André, Paris; National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh; National Academy Museum and School of Fine Art, New York; Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles), Cambridge MA 1998
- Colvin
- Colvin, I.D., revised by Maryna Fraser, ‘Wernher, Sir Julius, first baronet (1850–1912)’, in ODNB (Oxford Dictionary of National Biography), http://www.oxforddnb.com, online edn, 2004–
- Conisbee 2009
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- Dacier and Vuaflart 1921–9
- Dacier, Émile, J. Hérold and Albert Vuaflart, Jean de Jullienne et les graveurs de Watteau au XVIIIe siècle (I, Notices et documents biographiques, 1929; II, Historique, 1922; III, Catalogue, 1922; IV, Planches, 1921), 4 vols, Paris 1921–9
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- Davies 1946
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- Dilke 1898
- Dilke, Emilia F.S., ‘L’art français au Guildhall de Londres en 1898’, Gazette des Beaux‐Arts, 1898, 20th year, 2nd period, 321–36
- Dilke 1899b
- Dilke, Emilia, French Painters of the Eighteenth Century, London 1899
- Eidelberg
- Eidelberg, Martin, A Watteau Abecedario, http://www.watteau-abecedario.org/, n.d.
- Eidelberg 1977
- Eidelberg, Martin P., Watteau’s Drawings: Their Use and Significance, Princeton 1977
- Eidelberg 1995
- Eidelberg, Martin P., ‘Watteau’s Italian reveries’, Gazette des Beaux‐Arts, 1995, 126, 111–38
- Eidelberg 1997
- Eidelberg, Martin P., ‘Watteau at Chicago’, Burlington Magazine, April 1997, 139, 1129, 268–9
- Eidelberg 2011
- Eidelberg, Martin P., ‘Defining the oeuvre of Bonaventure de Bar (Part 2)’, Watteau and His Circle, http://www.watteauandhiscircle.org, 30 September 2011
- Eveno et al. 2009–10
- Eveno, M., et al., ‘La palette de Watteau et de ses épigones: l’analyse des pigments’, Techne, 2009–10, 30–1, 37–45
- Feinberg and Zuccari 1997
- Feinberg, Larry F. and Frank Zuccari, ‘A Rediscovered Fête champêtre by Watteau in the Art Institute of Chicago’, Burlington Magazine, April 1997, 139, 1129, 236–47
- Ferré 1972
- Ferré, Jean, Watteau, 4 vols, Madrid 1972
- Ferré 1984
- Ferré, Jean, Watteau. 60 chefs d’œuvre, Fribourg 1984
- Foster 1905
- Foster, Joshua James, French Art from Watteau to Prud’hon, 3 vols, London 1905
- Fourcaud 1905
- Fourcaud, Louis de, ‘Antoine Watteau: scènes et figures galantes’, Revue de l’Art Ancien et Moderne, 10 February 1905, 17, 105–20
- Gétreau 1987
- Gétreau, Florence, ‘Watteau et la musique: réalités et interprétations’, in Antoine Watteau (1684–1721): le peintre, son temps et sa légende, eds François Moureau and Margaret Morgan Grasselli, Paris and Geneva 1987, 235–246
- Gétreau 1988
- Gétreau, Florence, Instrumentistes et luthiers parisiens XVIIe–XIXe siècles, Paris 1988
- Gétreau 2005
- Gétreau, Florence, ‘Recent research about the Voboam family and their guitars’, Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society, 2005, 31, 5–66
- Glorieux 2006
- Glorieux, Guillaume, ‘Michel‐Joseph Ducreux (vers 1665–1715), marchand de masques de théâtre et d’habits de carnival au temps de Watteau’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 2006, 119–29
- Glorieux 2011
- Glorieux, Guillaume, Watteau, Paris 2011
- Goncourt 1856
- Goncourt, Edmond de and Jules de Goncourt, ‘La philosophie de Watteau’, L’Artiste, 7 September 1856
- Goncourt 1875
- Goncourt, Edmond de, Catalogue raisonné de l’oeuvre peint, dessiné et gravé d’Antoine Watteau, Paris 1875
- Goncourt 1981
- Goncourt, Edmond de and Jules de Goncourt, French Eighteenth‐Century Painters, trans. with an introduction by Robin Ironside, 2nd edn, Oxford 1981
- Goncourt 2007
- Goncourt, Edmond de and Jules de Goncourt, L’Art du XVIIIe Siècle, ed. J.‐L. Cabanès, 3 vols, Tusson 2007 (1882)
- Grasselli 1987
- Grasselli, Margaret Morgan, ‘The Drawings of Antoine Watteau: Stylistic Development and Problems of Chronology’ (PhD thesis), 2 vols, Cambridge MA, Harvard University, 1987
- Grasselli 1987a
- Grasselli, Margaret Morgan, ‘New Observations on Some Watteau Drawings’, in Antoine Watteau (1684–1721): le peintre, son temps et sa légende, eds François Moureau and Margaret Morgan Grasselli, Paris and Geneva 1987, 97–8
- Grasselli 1993
- Grasselli, Margaret Morgan, ‘Eighteen drawings by Antoine Watteau: a chronological study’, Master Drawings, 1993, 31, 2, 103–27
- Grasselli 1998
- Grasselli, Margaret Morgan, in Mastery and Elegance: Two Centuries of French Drawings from the Collection of Jeffrey E. Horvitz, Alvin L. Clark Jr, Margaret Morgan Grasselli, Jean‐François Méjanès, William W. Robinson, foreword by Pierre Rosenberg (exh. cat. Harvard University Art Museums, Cambridge MA; Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto; Musée Jacquemart‐André, Paris; National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh; National Academy Museum and School of Fine Art, New York; Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles), Cambridge MA 1998
- Grasselli and Rosenberg 1984
- Grasselli, Margaret Morgan and Pierre Rosenberg, Watteau 1684–1721 (exh. cat. National Gallery of Art, Washington DC; Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais, Paris; Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin), Washington DC 1984
- Gustin‐Gomez 2006
- Gustin‐Gomez, Clémentine, Charles de La Fosse 1636–1716, 2 vols, Dijon 2006
- Hercenberg 1975
- Hercenberg, Bernard, Nicolas Vleughels, peintre et directeur de l’Académie de France à Rome 1668–1737, Paris 1975
- Herold and Vuaflart 1922
- Herold, Jacques and Albert Vuaflart, Catalogues, 1922 (Jean de Jullienne et les Graveurs de Watteau au XVIIIe Siècle, Paris, 3)
- Ingamells 1989
- Ingamells, John, French before 1815, 1989 (The Wallace Collection Catalogue of Pictures, London, 3)
- Ingersoll‐Smouse 1928
- Ingersoll‐Smouse, Florence, Pater, Paris 1928
- Jean‐Richard 1978
- Jean‐Richard, Pierrette, L’Oeuvre gravé de François Boucher dans la Collection Edmond de Rothschild, Paris 1978
- Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 1912
- Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, 24 May 1912, 689–90
- Laclotte 1965
- Laclotte, Michel, ed., French Art from 1350 to 1850, New York 1965
- Lugt 1938–87
- Lugt, Frits, Répertoire des catalogues de ventes publiques intéressant l’art ou la curiosité … par Frits Lugt (Deuxième Période, 1826–1860 (1953); Troisième Période, 1861–1900 (1964); Quatrième Période, 1901–1925, 1987), 4 vols, The Hague 1938–87
- MacLaren and Brown 1991
- MacLaren, Neil, revised and expanded by Christopher Brown, National Gallery Catalogues: The Dutch School 1600–1900, 2 vols, revised and expanded edn, London 1991
- Mantz 1892
- Mantz, Paul, Antoine Watteau, Paris 1892
- Martin and Sindaco‐Domas 2009–10
- Martin, E. and C. Sindaco‐Domas, ‘La technique picturale des peintres de fêtes galantes dans le contexte du XVIIIe siècle’, Techne, 2009–10, 30/31, 25–36
- Mathey 1959
- Mathey, Jacques, Antoine Watteau, Peintures réapparues, Paris 1959
- Méjanès 1991
- Méjanès, Jean‐François, ‘Trois dessins par Watteau et Fragonard’, La Revue du Louvre et des Musées de France, 1991, 1, 49–52
- Mercurio 2000
- Mercurio, Janice, ‘Watteau, Music and Performance’ (MA dissertation), Courtauld Institute of Art, London University, 2000
- Michel 2008
- Michel, Christian, Le Célèbre Watteau, Geneva 2008
- Mirimonde 1961
- Mirimonde, Albert Pomme de, ‘Les sujets musicaux chez Antoine Watteau’, Gazette des Beaux‐Arts, 1961, 58, 249–88
- Mirimonde 1962a
- Mirimonde, Albert Pomme de, ‘Les instruments de musique chez Antoine Watteau’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 1962, 47–53
- Mirimonde 1962b
- Mirimonde, Albert Pomme de, ‘Statues et emblèmes dans l’œuvre d’Antoine Watteau’, La Revue du Louvre et des musées de France, 1962, XII année, 1, 11–20
- Montagni 1968
- Montagni, E.C., L’opera completa di Watteau / presentazione di Giovanni Macchia, apparati critici e filologici di E.C. Montagni, Milan 1968
- Moureau and Grasselli 1987
- Moureau, François and Margaret Morgan Grasselli, eds, Antoine Watteau (1684–1721): le peintre, son temps et sa légende, Paris and Geneva 1987
- National Gallery 1913a
- National Gallery, National Gallery: Descriptive and Historical Catalogue of the British and Foreign Pictures with Biographical Notices of the Painters, Indices, etc., 81st edn, London 1913
- National Gallery 1929
- National Gallery, National Gallery Trafalgar Square Catalogue, 86th edn, London 1929 (revised edn, 1936)
- National Gallery Report
- National Gallery, The National Gallery Report: Trafalgar Square, London [various dates]
- Nemilova 1964
- Nemilova, Inna S., Watteau et ses oeuvres à l’Ermitage, Leningrad 1964
- ODNB 2004
- ODNB (Oxford Dictionary of National Biography), http://www.oxforddnb.com, online edn, Oxford 2004–
- Parker and Mathey 1957–8
- Parker, K.T. and J. Mathey, Antoine Watteau: Catalogue complet de son oeuvre dessiné, 2 vols, Paris 1957–8
- Phillips 1895
- Phillips, Claude, Antoine Watteau, London 1895
- Phillips 1912a
- Phillips, Claude, in Daily Telegraph, 7 June 1912, 11
- Raymond et al. 2013
- Raymond, Florence, et al., Antoine Watteau (1684–1721): La Leçon de musique, sous la direction de Florence Raymond (exh. cat. Palais des Beaux‐Arts, Brussels), Paris and Brussels 2013
- Réau 1928
- Réau, L., ‘Catalogue de l’Art Français dans les musées russes’, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’Art Français, 1928
- Ribeiro 2002
- Ribeiro, Aileen, Dress in Eighteenth‐Century Europe 1715–1789, 2nd edn, New Haven and London 2002 (1985)
- Roland Michel 1978
- Roland Michel, Marianne, Sanguines: dessins français du dix‐huitième siècle (exh. cat. Galerie Cailleux, Paris; Galerie Cailleux, Geneva), Paris 1978
- Roland Michel 1981
- Roland Michel, Marianne, Tout Watteau, La Peinture, Milan 1981
- Roland Michel 1984b
- Roland Michel, Marianne, Watteau: An Artist of the Eighteenth Century, London 1984
- Rosenberg 1984
- Rosenberg, Pierre, ed., Vies anciennes de Watteau, Paris 1984
- Rosenberg 1987a
- Rosenberg, Pierre, ‘Répétitions et répliques dans l’oeuvre de Watteau’, in Antoine Watteau (1684–1721): le peintre, son temps et sa légende, eds François Moureau and Margaret Morgan Grasselli, Paris and Geneva 1987, 103–10
- Rosenberg and Prat 1996
- Rosenberg, Pierre and Louis‐Antoine Prat, Antoine Watteau, 1684–1721. Catalogue raisonné des dessins, 3 vols, Milan and Paris 1996
- Rosenberg and Prat 2011
- Rosenberg, Pierre and Olivier Michel, Watteau: The Drawings (exh. cat. Royal Academy of Arts, London), London 2011
- Sahut and Raymond 2010
- Sahut, Marie‐Catherine and Florence Raymond, Antoine Watteau et l’art de l’estampe (exh. cat. Musée du Louvre, Paris), Paris 2010
- Salmon 1999
- Salmon, Xavier, Jean‐Marc Nattier 1685–1766 (exh. cat. Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon), Versailles 1999
- Smith 1829–42
- Smith, John, A Catalogue Raisonné of the Works of the Most Eminent Dutch, Flemish and French Painters … (with Supplement), 9 vols, London 1829–42
- Souchal 1977–87
- Souchal, François, French Sculptors of the 17th and 18th centuries, 3 vols, Oxford 1977–87
- Temperini 2002
- reference not found
- Temple 1898
- Temple, A.G., Examples of French Art, London 1898
- Times 16 June 1831
- The Times, 1831, 3
- Times 14 December 1839
- The Times, 14 December 1839, 6
- Times 7 November 1856
- The Times, 7 November 1856, 1
- Times 6 June 1898
- The Times, 6 June 1898, 15
- Times 8 June 1912
- The Times, 8 June 1912, 6
- Times 30 January 1914
- The Times, 30 January 1914, 5
- Vilain 1973
- Vilain, Jacques, Pierre‐Charles Trémolières (Cholet 1703–Paris 1739) (exh. cat. Musée de Cholet), Cholet 1973
- Vogtherr 2009–10
- Vogtherr, Christoph Martin, ‘Fêtes galantes in London and Potsdam: different versions of the same theme in Watteau’s work’, Techne, 2009–10, 30–1, 179–84
- Vogtherr 2011
- Vogtherr, Christoph Martin, Stiftung Preussiche Schlösser und Gärten Berlin‐Brandenburg. Bestandskataloge der Kunstsammlungen. Französische Gemälde I. Watteau, Pater, Lancret, Lajoüe, Berlin 2011
- Vogtherr and Holmes 2014
- Vogtherr, Christoph Martin and Mary Tavener Holmes, De Watteau à Fragonard. Les fêtes galantes (exh. cat. Musée Jacquemart‐André, Paris), Paris 2014
- Vogtherr, Preti and Faroult 2014
- Vogtherr, Christoph Martin, Monica Preti and Guillaume Faroult, eds, Delicious Decadence: The Rediscovery of French Eighteenth‐Century Painting in the Nineteenth Century, Farnham and Burlington VT 2014
- Weretka 2008
- Weretka, John, ‘The guitar, the musette and meaning in the fêtes galantes of Watteau’, emaj, http://www.melbourneartjournal.com.au, 2008, 3
- Whiteley 2014
- Whiteley, Jon, ‘Collectors of Eighteenth-Century French Art in London: 1800–1850’, in Delicious Decadence: The Rediscovery of French Eighteenth‐Century Painting in the Nineteenth Century, eds Christoph Martin Vogtherr, Monica Preti and Guillaume Faroult, Farnham and Burlington VT 2014, 43–58
- Who was Who
- Who was Who, http://www.ukwhoswho.com, London 1920–2014 (online edn, 2014)
- Wildenstein 1924
- Wildenstein, Georges, Lancret: biographie et catalogue critiques, l’oeuvre de l’artiste reproduite en deux cent quatorze héliogravures, Paris 1924
- Wilson 1985
- Wilson, Michael, The National Gallery Schools of Painting: French Paintings before 1800, London 1985
- Wine 2001
- Wine, Humphrey, National Gallery Catalogues: The Seventeenth Century French Paintings, London 2001
- Wine 2011
- Wine, Humphrey, ‘Watteau’, Burlington Magazine, July 2011, 153, 489–90
- Wintermute et al. 1999
- Wintermute, Alan, et al., Watteau and His World: French Drawing from 1700 to 1750 (exh. cat. The Frick Collection, New York; National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa), New York 1999
- Wise and Warner 1996
- Wise, Susan and Malcolm Warner, French and British Paintings from 1600 to 1800 in The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago 1996
- Zéphirin 1984
- Zéphirin, Y., ‘Rue Saint‐Jacques, chez le libraire Robustel’, La Montagne Sainte Geneviève et ses abords, February 1984, 257, 8–19
- Zimmermann 1912
- Zimmermann, E. Heinrich, ed., Watteau: des Meisters Werke, Stuttgart and Leipzig 1912
List of exhibitions cited
- Bristol, Newcastle and London 2003
- Bristol, Bristol City Museum and Art Gallery; Newcastle, Laing Art Gallery; London, National Gallery, Paradise, 2003
- London 1898
- London, Guildhall, Corporation of London Art Gallery, Loan Collection of Pictures by Painters of the French School, 1898 (exh. cat.: Temple 1898)
- Paris 1874, Palais‐Bourbon
- Paris, Palais‐Bourbon, Exposition du Palais‐Bourbon au profit des Alsaciens‐Lorraine, 1874
The Organisation of the Catalogue
This is a catalogue of the eighteenth‐century French paintings in the National Gallery. Following the example of Martin Davies’s 1957 catalogue of the Gallery’s French paintings, the catalogue includes works by or after some artists who were not French: Jean‐Etienne Liotard, who was Swiss, Alexander Roslin, who was Swedish, and Philippe Mercier, born in Berlin of French extraction but working mainly in England.
Works are catalogued by alphabetical order of artist, and multiple works by an artist are arranged in order of date or suggested date. Works considered to be autograph come first, followed by works in which I believe the studio played a part, those which are studio productions, and later copies. Artists’ biographies are summary only.
The preliminary essay and all entries and artist biographies are by Humphrey Wine unless initialled by one of the authors listed on p. 4.
Each entry is arranged as follows:
Title: The traditional title of each painting has been adopted except where misleading to do so.
Date: The date, or the suggested date, is given immediately below the title. The reason for any suggested date is explained in the body of the catalogue entry.
Media and measurementS: Height precedes width, and measurements (in centimetres) are of the painted surface to the nearest millimetre ignoring insignificant variations. Additional information on media and measurements, where appropriate, is provided in the Technical Notes.
Inscriptions: Where the work is inscribed, the inscription is given immediately after the note of media and measurements. Information is derived from observation, whether by the naked eye or with the help of a microscope, by the cataloguer and a member of the Conservation Department. The use of square brackets indicates letters or numerals that are not visible, but reasonably presumed once to have been so.
Provenance: Information on former owners is provided under Provenance and the related endnotes.
A number of significant owners, including Sir Bernard Eckstein; Ernest William Beckett,
2nd Baron Grimthorpe; John Arthur and Mary Venetia James; Yolande Lyne Stephens; Sir
John Pringle; Mrs Mozelle Sassoon; James Stuart of Dunearn; John Webb; and Consuelo
and Emilie Yznaga, are discussed further in an appendix to this volume on the National
Gallery website, ‘Former Owners of the Eighteenth‐Century French Paintings’ (see
https://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/research/national‐gallery‐catalogues/former‐owners‐of‐the‐eighteenth‐century‐french‐paintings
https://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/research/research-resources/national-gallery-catalogues/former-owners-of-the-eighteenth-century-french-paintings-in-the-national-gallery-1
).
Exhibitions: Long‐term loans to other collections have been included under this heading, but they do not appear in the List of Exhibitions at the end of the catalogue. Exhibitions in that list appear in date order.
Related Works: Dimensions are given where known, and works are in oil on canvas unless otherwise
indicated. They have not been verified by
first hand
first‐hand
inspection. Dimensions of drawings or prints, other than in captions to illustrations,
are not given unless they are exceptional. Dimensions are given in centimetres, but
other units of measurement used in, say, an auction catalogue have been retained.
The metric equivalent of an Ancien Régime pouce is 2.7 cm and (after 1825) that of
an inch is 2.54 cm. In the case of prints, where measurements are given, it has not
always been possible to determine whether they are of the plate or the image.
Technical Notes: All works in the catalogue were examined in the Conservation Studio by Paul Ackroyd and Ashok Roy of the Conservation and Scientific Departments respectively, generally together with the author of the catalogue entry. The records of these observations were used to compile the catalogue’s Technical Notes. In support of these studies, paint samples for examination and analysis were taken by Ashok Roy from approximately 60 per cent of the paintings in order to establish the nature and constitution of ground layers, the identity of certain pigments, to investigate possible colour changes in paint layers and to answer curatorial enquiries relating to layer structure (as determined by paint cross‐sections). A few more works had already been sampled, mainly in conjunction with past conservation treatments, and the observations from these past studies were reviewed and incorporated. These studies were carried out by Ashok Roy, Marika Spring, Joyce Plesters and Aviva Burnstock. Paint samples and cross‐sections were examined by optical microscopy, and instrumental analysis of pigments was based largely on scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive X‐ray analysis. Early in the cataloguing programme, some work with X‐ray diffraction analysis ( XRD ) was carried out for further characterisation of certain pigments. Some of these results had already been published separately; these papers are cited in the catalogue text. Similarly, any published analyses of the paint binder are cited, or if not published then reference is made to the reports in the Scientific Department files. The majority of the [page 36]analyses of the organic component of paint samples from works in this catalogue were carried out by Raymond White.
At a later stage in the cataloguing programme Rachel Billinge carried out infrared reflectography on 30 of the 72 works using an OSIRIS digital infrared scanning camera with an indium gallium arsenide (InGaAs) array sensor (8 had already been examined by infrared imaging, usually in connection with a conservation treatment). At the same time she reviewed the entries, adding observations from technical imaging (both X‐radiography and infrared reflectography) and incorporating some additional details about materials and techniques from stereomicroscopy (photomicrographs were made of 12 works). Where X‐radiographs have been made, the individual plates were scanned and composite X‐ray images assembled. Some, but not all, were further processed to remove the stretcher bars from the digital image. Some further paint samples from a few works for which there were still outstanding questions at this stage in the cataloguing programme were examined and analysed. These analyses were carried out by Marika Spring, with contributions on individual paintings from Joanna Russell, Gabriella Macaro, Marta Melchiorre di Crescenzo, Helen Howard and David Peggie.
Macro‐X‐ray fluorescence scanning was carried out by Marika Spring and Rachel Billinge on one work, Perronneau’s pastel, A Girl with a Kitten (NG 3588), to provide fuller understanding of its means of creation than had been available from earlier analyses of the materials. The pastel was scanned during the summer of 2015 thanks to the loan of a Bruker M6 Jetstream macro‐X‐ray fluorescence scanner by Delft University of Technology through collaboration with Dr Joris Dik, Antoni van Leeuwenhoek Chair, Materials in Art and Archeology, Department of Materials Science and Dr Annelies van Loon, now Paintings Research Scientist at the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. This mobile system, the first commercially available macro‐XRF scanner, was developed by Bruker Nano GmbH in close collaboration with Antwerp University and Delft University of Technology (see Alfeld 2013, pp. 760–7). This examination included transmitted infrared reflectography and some further directed sampling to aid interpretation of the new results.
Frames: Information is given only in the case of a frame which is, or which is likely to be, original to the painting.
Text: With the exception of the Lagrenée, which was not formally acquired until July 2016, the entries take account of information and opinions of which the cataloguers were aware as at 30 June 2016.
Lifespan dates, where known, are given in the Provenance section and in the Index.
General References: These do not provide a list of every published reference. The annual catalogues published by the Gallery before the First World War mainly repeat the information in the first Gallery catalogue in which the painting in question was published. Consequently, only the first catalogue and later catalogues containing additional or revised information have been referenced. In all relevant cases references have been given to Martin Davies’s 1946 and 1957 catalogues. In the case of works acquired after 1957, reference is made to the interim catalogue entry published in the relevant National Gallery Report. No reference to entries in the Gallery’s Complete Illustrated Catalogue (London 2001) has been given since they contained no previously unpublished information. Other references are to catalogues raisonnés and other significant publications concerning the painting in question.
Bibliography: This includes all references cited in the endnotes to catalogue entries other than references to archival sources, which are given in full in the endnotes. Cited articles from newspapers, magazines, the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography and Who Was Who have usually been accessed via their respective online portals.
List of Exhibitions: This is a list of exhibitions in which the paintings have appeared. The list is in date order. The author of the accompanying exhibition catalogue or catalogue entry is given where known. Exhibition catalogues are included in the Bibliography, by author.
About this version
Version 3, generated from files HW_2018__16.xml dated 06/03/2025 and database__16.xml dated 09/03/2025 using stylesheet 16_teiToHtml_externalDb.xsl dated 03/01/2025. Entries for NG1090, NG2897, NG4078, NG5583, NG6422, NG6435, NG6445, NG6495, NG6592, NG6598 and NG6600-NG6601 marked for publication.
Cite this entry
- Permalink (this version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EBF-000B-0000-0000
- Permalink (latest version)
- https://data.ng.ac.uk/0E7C-000B-0000-0000
- Chicago style
- Wine, Humphrey. “NG 2897, La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love)”. 2018, online version 3, March 9, 2025. https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EBF-000B-0000-0000.
- Harvard style
- Wine, Humphrey (2018) NG 2897, La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love). Online version 3, London: National Gallery, 2025. Available at: https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EBF-000B-0000-0000 (Accessed: 29 March 2025).
- MHRA style
- Wine, Humphrey, NG 2897, La Gamme d’Amour (The Scale of Love) (National Gallery, 2018; online version 3, 2025) <https://data.ng.ac.uk/0EBF-000B-0000-0000> [accessed: 29 March 2025]